The Truth Is Out There

Archive for February, 2013

Seeing it JUST about gun rights is COMPLETELY not grasping the dire consequences 9 of 9


Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s Gun Control Alchemy

We now have a view of the new gun control proposal that some have labeled Feinstein’s Grand Plan. Grand?  Feasible?  Passible?  That remains to be seen.  What is plain is that Feinstein’s proposal illustrates the inadequacy of supply-control policies that attempt a purely public response to an intensely private crisis.

The impulse here is the horror in Connecticut.  The main worry from Connecticut is not that an incomprehensibly mad young man killed with an AR-15.  At one level we all know that virtually any sort of firearm and a variety of other deadly weapons are easy substitutes against the helpless.

But that is a difficult thing to say in this climate and it does not satisfy people who are hurting.  And that hurt is very much a driver here.  The pain from Newtown is intense.  Many people desperately seek something to ease that pain and affirm that our society is not irretrievably off the rails.  For those under the delusion that the state can stop imminent violent threats, Feinstein’s supply-side gun control proposal will have appeal.

Feinstein’s proposal marks a point of profound disagreement. Most gun owners will acknowledge that when seconds count, government is minutes away.  This means that in those critical moments when violence sparks, you are on your own.

Many people resist this fact and its implications.  Supply controls appeal to those people (just get rid of the guns and these crimes would stop). They believe it can moot the need for armed self-defense.  But that is a pipe dream in a country that already has upwards of 300 million guns distributed across at least 40 percent of households.

Much of the political class operates under a kind of moral hazard here.  Their standard coin is the promise of public solutions; even for those private crises where our ancient law of self-defense emphasizes that the state is structurally incompetent.  The state loses its monopoly on legitimate violence in that window of imminence where government cannot act and people must protect themselves.

Many on the left are aligned with a gun control movement that has continuously denied the need, utility and legitimacy of armed self-defense.  This crowd has the floor now and will lead the legislative charge with proposals that are really a diversion.

There is real danger that we will undertake what’s essentially a grand charade—a policy debate grounded on the premise that 10- vs. 30-round magazines make a crucial difference in these attacks. The vitriol suggests Feinstein’s supply-control proposals are a clear and obvious fix against horrors like Sandy Hook. Ultimately, we all really know that’s false.

A serious debate about the risk would involve detailed assessment of fictitious gun-free zones.  This has been raised first by the NRA, so there is a good chance it will be maligned by much of the media. But if we press for substance rather than symbolism, there is some chance that this issue will rise up out of the rancor.

As we go through the dubious enterprise of identifying “bad guns” to ban and “good guns” to approve, someone might actually move past how guns look and consider how they function. Is the AR-15 more deadly against unarmed people than a pump shotgun or a lever-action rifle or the stealthy, quickly re-loadable handgun or, frankly, any other gun?

The core issue here is the exposure of helpless people against a twisted individual with a gun … any gun.  Supply controls are no answer to this problem unless you eliminate virtually all guns. Only when you fully acknowledge that it is impossible to get rid of guns in America (and that the failed attempt would make things worse by sending a hundred million guns into the black market) do you see the substantive emptiness and folly of Feinstein’s plan.

This reveals a crucial sticking point. Some of us genuinely appreciate that it is impossible to ban guns in America.  Others still imagine that we might someday fulfill the supply-control dreams hatched in the 1970’s and actually get rid of guns.

Indeed, if this is not the agenda, then the Feinstein plan is nonsense.  It cannot be true that the senator is saying we want to stop mass shootings using certain semi-automatic rifles, but that shootings using other semi-automatics, pumps, lever actions, revolvers, double barrels or bolt actions are OK.   If your policy tool is supply controls, you must ban those guns as well.

If we find consensus that the supply-control formula is dubious and the bad-gun formula incoherent, we might press forward to the actual tough question that deserves our full attention. What about these episodes of insanity? For adults, the idea that people must protect themselves within the window of imminence is the longstanding reality, as the modern wave of shall-issue concealed-carry laws acknowledges. We must have a conversation about how adults can best protect children.

Sen. Feinstein will get lots of opposition to her proposal: that it is an unconstitutional taking of property; that it irrationally treats semi-automatics more harshly than true machine guns; that it is an unconstitutional application of the taxing power; that it attempts to ban guns in common use in violation of D.C. -vs- Heller; that it attempts to ban the quintessential militia firearm which seems protected, even under a non-deceptive version of Justice Stevens dissent in Heller, and that it will drive the targeted guns into the black market.

The worst thing is that Feinstein’s Grand Plan obscures the core question of how to protect children in the classroom, with tired, oversold ideas that mainly serve to mask the structural state of incompetence that the political elites cannot profitably acknowledge.  Here, Here!  ‘Bout time SOMEONE said it!

 

A longer version of this article is available at www.libertylawsite.org.

Seeing it JUST about gun rights is COMPLETELY not grasping the dire consequences 8 of 9


 No Calm Before the Anti-Gunners’ Storm

 

You know you’re on the right side of an issue when those on the other side want their extreme proposals rushed into law before the American people and their elected representatives have had a chance to give them careful thought.

In December, on the day of the unforgettable, horrible tragedy in Newtown, Conn., Boston Mayor Thomas Menino, co-chairman of New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s gun control group, Mayors Against Illegal Guns, blurted, “Now is the time for a national policy on guns.” Two days later, Joseph Califano, former Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare and once an advisor to President Lyndon B. Johnson, wrote in The Washington Post that President Barack Obama should “Demand action on comprehensive gun control immediately’ As Califano explained, “LBJ was always poised to grasp any opportunity to achieve his legislative objectives,” including the Gun Control Act of 1968.

Three days later, President Obama announced that gun control would be a “central issue” of his final term in office, and that he had appointed Vice President Joe Biden to head a task force with a single mandate: to produce a list of “concrete proposals” which, Obama said, “I intend to push, without delay’

Though Obama didn’t say so, it was obvious that the top item on the list would likely be a new ban on commonly owned semi-automatic rifles, handguns, shotguns and magazines. Obama called for a new ban during his 2008 and 2012 presidential campaigns, and he did so again after the Newtown crime. Biden introduced legislation on the issue when he was in the Senate and used his power as chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee to help Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., get her so-called “assault weapon and large magazine” ban passed as part of the 1994 crime bill.

Within minutes of Obama’s task force announcement, the Brady Campaign applauded “[t]he urgency with which the president is taking [sic] this issue.” Two days later, the Violence Policy Center—which first proposed a so-called “assault weapon” ban in 1988 and ridiculed the old ban as a “joke” for not being harsh enough—declared that “Now is the time” to ban “assault weapons” and magazines that hold more than 10 rounds.

Meanwhile, Sen. Feinstein promised to introduce a new gun and magazine ban when Congress reopened for business in January, telling reporters she was ready to move against “assault weapons” again. In addition to suggesting that her new bill would require the registration of hundreds of models of popular semi-automatic firearms under the National Firearms Act—treating them the same as fully automatic machine guns—she said, “We are also looking at a ‘buy-back’ program,” without addressing the constitutionality or enforceability of such a scheme.

As of this present time, Feinstein has announced that her new bill would ban everything banned in 1994, everything made to comply with that ban and new categories of guns that were not addressed by the 1994 ban. She has also said her bill would prohibit the transfer of these newly NFA-registered guns, even by inheritance.

Feinstein isn’t alone in pressing for gun bans in their most extreme form. In New York, Gov. Andrew Cuomo— a potential Democratic candidate for president in 2016—was reportedly working on a bill to ban all firearms capable of holding more than seven rounds, which would affect the mi Garand and the vast majority of self-defense and target pistols today. In Cuomo’s words, “Confiscation could be an option. Mandatory sale to the state could be an option. Permitting could be an option—keep your gun but permit it.”

The reason for gun-ban supporters’ hurry was obvious. They wanted to use the Newtown tragedy as the justification for passing their long-standing gun control agenda.

But none of their proposals would have prevented Newtown. Not a ban on private transfers of firearms; a ban on the acquisition of firearms by anyone placed on the FBI’s often erroneous “terror watchlist;” the rationing of firearm purchases or new restrictions on imported firearms. Not a federal law requiring states to “set higher standards for granting permits for concealed weapons,” as proposed by The New York Times; prohibitive new taxes on ammunition and magazines; permit requirements to purchase ammunition; a ban on mail-order ammunition purchases; or the registration of all firearms. Yet gun-ban activists have already exploited the Newtown murders to push all these ideas and more.

There are many things we as a nation can do to help prevent tragedies like Newtown, from fixing America’s broken mental health system, to improving school security, to reducing the culture of violence marketed to our kids, to prosecuting those who misuse firearms to commit crimes. In the challenging months ahead, your NRA will need your full support in making sure that our elected officials think carefully before they cast any vote that will destroy our right to keep and bear arms. 

Seeing it JUST about gun rights is COMPLETELY not grasping the dire consequences 7 of 9


THE SIEGE BEGINS

NRA WARNED GUN OWNERS EXACTLY

WHAT TO EXPECT IF OBAMA WON A SECOND TERM.

AS THE FULL ON ATTACK AGAINST OUR GUN RIGHTS

BEGINS, ONLY AMERICA S GUN OWNERS JOINING TOGETHER

TO STAND AND FIGHT UNDER THE BANNER OF THE NRA,

CAN STOP THE COMING ONSLAUGHT FOUR YEARS

                                 IN THE MAKING.

As early as the December 2011 issue of Americas 1st Freedom, in a feature entitled “Obama’s Secret Plan to Destroy the Second Amendment by 2016,” nra Executive Vice President Wayne LaPierre was shouting from the proverbial rooftops, warning gun owners of an “all-out war on the Right to Keep and Bear Arms.” He told what the Obama administration planned to unleash should it emerge victorious from the 2012 presidential election and retain the White House.

LaPierre’s warnings leading up to the election were distinctly prescient—eerily so, considering the atmosphere surrounding firearms when LaPierre foretold in the months, then weeks, then days before Election Day 2012 of the anti-gun offensive we now face.

Looking back, the tenor of the gun-rights debate when LaPierre raised the alarm in that December 2011 issue would be considered quaint in comparison to the horrific accusations and despicable lies leveled at lawful gun owners—and the National Rifle Association in particular—in post-election, post-Newtown, Conn., America. Consider that in the same issue, frequent Freedom contributor Dave Kopel, in a feature entitled “Will Gun Owners Get Caught Sleeping?” warned that nra members shouldn’t be lulled into a sense of complacency due to years of firearm victories at the state and federal level, along with poll results from varied sources that frequently reported a corresponding rise in public opinion regarding gun rights.

Though the question raised in the article’s title was obviously rhetorical, a similar headline today, when the atmosphere surrounding gun rights is so charged, would seem nonsensical. The gun rights debate today has shifted 180 degrees from what existed just three months ago.

Recall that it wasn’t so long ago that the Obama administration proudly boasted that, rather than curtail gun rights, it had actually expanded firearm freedom in its time in office by signing legislation allowing Right-to-Carry in national parks.

Because the administration had delayed any large-scale offensive against the Second Amendment, admirers of Obama in the media could try to paint LaPierre’s warnings as paranoia, nra’s warnings of an imminent fusillade against the right to keep and bear arms were lampooned by the national media, who pointed toward Obama’s first-term record of avoiding gun issues (while obscuring his dismal record on Second Amendment issues as a state and federal legislator) as proof the man was a friend of gun owners.

While the media dusted off its favorite synonyms for “paranoia” when it gave any coverage at all to the nra s predictions, the Obama administration bided its time until a second term was secured No longer beholden to voters, its plan to dismantle the Second Amendment could commence. The only thing needed would be a large-scale tragedy to exploit. Thus, the pieces were arranged and waiting on Dec. 14, 2012, when evil descended upon Sandy HookElementary School in Newtown, Conn.

What gun owners face today is what LaPierre warned would come to pass should Obama I retain the presidency Obviously, it wasn’t prophecy on his part, but a clear-eyed, sober summation of the Obama administration’s gun-ban calculus. It was simply recognizing what was there in front of all of our eyes all along.

None of this is truly in response to the Newtown tragedy; this anti-gun onslaught was the plan all along. A brutal symptom of a nation awash in a culture that celebrates violence, greed and a lack of responsibility, to the anti-gunners Newtown was a cue in a script they’ve followed since Obama was elected to his first term in office.

In the December 2011 feature, LaPierre warned, “The steps they’ve taken so far clearly indicate—and concretely support— the all-out war on the Right to Keep and Bear Arms that they positively plan for their second term.”

In this and in countless other nra articles and other association communications, LaPierre, nra-ila Executive Director Chris W Cox, nra President David Keene and others reiterated the point that a second Obama term would be disastrous for the Second Amendment.

Sadly, too many Americans failed to heed these warnings, and so it begins. Election Day 2012 could one day be looked back upon as the moment the nra’s last 25 years of hard-fought gun-owner victories started to slip away. Worse still, history could remember Election Day 2012 as the moment the Second Amendment began to be reduced to a relic, nothing but an empty husk that once contained the one right that ensured the survival of all other individual rights.

Right now, though, hope survives. To preserve our rights, every gun owner and freedom-lover must answer the call to join beneath the banner of the nra, before it is too late.

As a state senator and a U.S. senator, up until his presidential election in 2008, when nra named him the “most anti-gun president in history’ Obama cultivated a reputation as a rising star in “progressive” politics by supporting all manner of anti-gun proposals.

Obama undoubtedly entertained anti-gun fantasies despite his lack of public action on guns in his first term, as LaPierre and Cox warned. Occasionally, though, there would be a sinister glimpse of what awaited gun owners. As LaPierre noted, within a week of Obama’s first presidential victory, the presidential transition web page at http://change.gov listed these anti-gun proposals as priorities of the Obama-Biden White House:

  • Renewing and strengthening the Clinton “assault weapons” ban;
  • Opening up sensitive batfe “trace” data for manipulation by anti-gun politicians;
  • Imposing restrictions that would severely restrict gun shows in an effort to close the fictitious “gun-show loophole.”

No sooner had these “priorities” appeared online than the page was pulled down by the Obama team without a single word of explanation. Yet today, with a second-term victory behind them, the Obama administration and its friends in Congress have begun speaking freely of instituting these anti-gun proposals—along with many others—in the name of the children killed in Newtown, despite the fact not one would have saved a single child’s life that morning.

As with the web page, Obama the tactician was quick to keep a cover over any overt talk of gun control during his first term. Even before his first inauguration, Rep. Carolyn McCarthy, d-n.y., was insistent that Obama’s team should lend White House support to a magazine ban. “They told me that’s not for now, that’s for later?’ she told Newsweek. Brady Campaign head Sarah Brady was similarly told that anti-gun initiatives during the first term would remain, for the time, out of sight. Obama reportedly told her in a 2011 meeting, “I just want you to know we are working on [gun control] … We have to go through a few processes, but under the radar”

Under the radar, of course, Attorney General Eric Holder’s Justice Department was coordinating the government-sanctioned delivery of thousands of American firearms straight into the hands of Mexican drug cartels. This covert operation, “Fast and Furious,” was designed to lend credence to the administration talking point, long ago proven false, that 90 percent of the firearms used in cartel violence originated in the United States— the better to ban the guns, come a second Obama term.

Obama’s first term was also spent quietly shoring up Supreme Court support for a future gutting of the Second Amendment. Obamas two nominations to the u.s. Supreme Court—Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan—both professed unyielding respect for the individual right to bear arms that the Second Amendment protects and the Heller case upheld. They would support it, that is, until it actually came time to make a ruling on the matter; in the McDonald v. Chicago case, Sotomayor turned her back on individual rights and voted with the 5-4 minority. Kagan’s pedigree as an operative in President Clintons administration reveals her likely stance on a future Second Amendment ruling. And chances are, President Obama could appoint upwards of three justices to the Supreme Court, which could allow both of these landmark cases to be reversed in this second Obama term or soon after.

LaPierre and others have also pointed to those who populate Obama’s cabinet as a reason to fear a coming onslaught From Hillary Clinton, Rahm Emanuel and Eric Holder to Cass Sunstein and Harold Koh, a common thread has run through his appointments past, present and, we can only assume, future—an abiding hatred of gun rights.

Finally, despite the Obama administration’s protestations of being pro-gun, it reversed the Bush-era stance on the United Nations’ Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), signaling a willingness to participate soon after Obama took office. This move, LaPierre continually warned, leaves our Second Amendment rights vulnerable to outside influence.

And if any question remained whether Obama’s second term would see his administration begin the business of destroying the rights of American gun owners, behold what transpired on Wednesday, Nov. 7, one day after the election: the U.S. mission to the United Nations made clear its support for renewed ATT negotiations. And so it began.

Following a costly, time-consuming presidential election, the NRA had little time to regroup before the shocking news from Newtown forever changed countless lives—and the debate on gun rights in America.

No sooner had the news arrived that 20 children and six adults were killed than the nra found itself the target of vitriol and lies the likes of which hadn’t been seen before. Despite the fact a psychologically damaged monster acted alone, anti-gunners attempted to blame the nra and its 4 million law-abiding members for the violence that day.

New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who has become the new face of Americas anti-gun movement, was quick to take the bully pulpit and denigrate the nra, while his cohort New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo—hoping to lend his presidential aspirations a boost—forced through the state legislature a package of anti-gun laws including a broader “assault weapons” ban, an unprecedented ban on magazines that hold more than seven rounds of ammunition, as well as restrictions on gun shows.

Illinois lawmakers have proposed one of the most draconian semi-automatic bans in the nation, as well as a ludicrous idea to force lawful gun owners to

purchase liability insurance to cover the costs of the criminal acts of others.

Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., announced her intentions to introduce a new “assault weapons” ban—the anti-gunners’ Holy Grail of late—as soon as possible.

Rep. Carolyn McCarthy, D-N.Y., introduced four bills, including proposals for a national gun-owner database, a ban on ammunition magazines, ammunition restrictions and restrictions on gun shows, while Reps. Bobby Rush, d-HI., and Rush Holt, d-n.j., both introduced bills that would require more stringent licensing requirements. Rep. Jim Moran, D-Va., introduced a gun-show bill of his own, which also includes deadline requirements for reporting a stolen firearm, while Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas, sponsored legislation that would raise the minimum age for carrying a handgun.

Note, by the way, that all of the bills mentioned in the previous paragraph were introduced on just the first day of the new Congress. All are supposedly meant to stop a repeat of the Newtown murders, though not a single one would have made a difference that day. And though an endless loop of big-name Hollywood stars came together to make a video demanding such laws be passed, in reality all this legislation will do is increase burdens on the constitutional right to keep and bear arms. (At the same time, notice the dearth of legislation aimed at the production and dissemination of violent films, games and other entertainment)

But it was President Obama, of course, who took the lead in lowering the boom on the Second Amendment following the Newtown murders. He convened a “gun violence task force,” led by gun-ban perennial Vice President Joe Biden, promising to work tirelessly to deliver options for more gun control. To lend the proceedings an air of legitimacy, the task force met briefly with the nra to discuss options for reducing violence but, according to a statement released by the nra, Biden’s group “spent most of its time on proposed restrictions on lawful firearms owners—honest, taxpaying, hardworking Americans.”

On Jan. 16, Obama and Biden hosted a news conference detailing the plan of action upon which their task force had settled. While claiming fealty to the Second Amendment, they unveiled plans to enact a new and harsher “assault weapons” ban, impose a 10-round limit on ammunition magazines and institute “universal” background checks on private gun sales—universal for everyone except criminals. The plan also fires up the Centers for Disease Control’s anti-gun propaganda mill, calls for a study broadening the categories of people banned from possessing firearms and promotes “smart gun” technology that could fail in defensive situations.

The list—which seems to contain nearly every failed piece of anti-gun legislation from the past 25 years—goes on and on. Of course, these proposals would do nothing to stop violent crime; but then again, such laws never do.

Yet, behind the clamor of anti-gun hordes was one group that advanced a proposal that actually could help save lives in schools: the nra, which announced an emergency response plan called the National School Shield Program.

Of all the proposals forwarded since the Newtown tragedy, this one alone could truly save lives. Of course, the nra was met with ridicule from the anti-gun national media and the liberal establishment in Washington, d.c. Not because the plan wouldn’t stop a future Newtown—because it absolutely could, better than any of the hundreds of gun-ban proposals we’re bound to see nationwide in the coming months—but because it doesn’t fit the gun-ban plan that the Obama administration has had in the works for four years now.

Countering Obama’s anti-gun offensive will take all the resources of the NRA, joined by America’s millions of law-abiding gun owners. Renew or upgrade your NRA membership, and encourage your friends and family members to do the same. Get involved—volunteer your time and resources to the NRA, introduce someone to the shooting sports and become a voice for law-abiding gun owners in your community. And contact your state and federal legislators, and help them understand the simple but vital truth that sacrificing the Second Amendment will never make anyone safer.

Seeing it JUST about gun rights is COMPLETELY not grasping the dire consequences 6 of 9


WHY NRA MEMBERS 

SHOULD NEVER SUPPORT AN

“ASSAULT WEAPON” BAN.

DO YOU REALLY THINK THAT

                                                    Feinstein WILL STOP AT ARs?

The most extreme national gun ban in American history is now one of President Obama’s top priorities in Congress. California Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s gun-ban bill would outlaw hundreds of firearm models, including many first manufactured in the 1940’s or earlier. Her bill would also prohibit standard capacity magazines for most semi-auto handguns and many rifles. Similar bills are being introduced in state legislatures all over the nation.

Since mid-December, President Obama has repeatedly announced that he will use the full weight of his presidential powers to push gun control. He called it a “central issue” for his second term. The last time a president went all-out for a gun ban was 1994, when Bill Clinton ushered Feinsteins “assault weapon” ban through the House of Representatives, where it passed by a single vote. The 1994 ban expired in 2004, but the new Feinstein-Obama ban would be permanent.

This isn’t just a federal matter, however. In the first week of January this year, gun prohibitionists attempted to use a lame-duck session of the Illinois legislature to ram through a semi-auto ban even more extensive than the Feinstein bill. The prohibitionists were thwarted, narrowly, only because a huge number of pro-rights activists contacted their legislators.

You can be absolutely certain that the Illinois tactics—attempts to rush a bill into law before citizens have time to find what is going on; ban as many guns as possible by falsely labeling them “assault weapons” and cynically exploit any notorious crime in the news so that people act on anti-gun emotion rather than logically thinking about how to really protect public safety—are going to be repeated in many other states.

People who care about Second Amendment rights, or who simply care about the truth, should never accept any sort of ban on so-called “assault weapons.” The very term “assault weapon” is a lie.

So-called “assault weapons” fire just one round when the triggers are pressed—the same as with every other typical firearm. They are not machine guns.

Nor are the rounds they fire more powerful than other firearms’. Most so-called “assault weapons” are rifles which are generally intermediate in power. For example, a small rifle cartridge like the .17 Remington might carry 801 foot-pounds of kinetic energy. A big-game cartridge, like the .444 Marlin, might generate 3,040 foot-pounds.

Most AR-15 rifles are configured in .223 caliber, which typically produces around 1,395 foot-pounds of energy.

For the last quarter-century, the “assault weapon” panic has been fomented by gun prohibitionists who know that because some “assault weapons” have a military appearance, people can be tricked into believing they are machine guns.

In 1988, gun prohibitionist Josh Sugarmann wrote a strategy memo in which he predicted that these firearms “menacing looks, coupled with the public’s confusion over fully automatic machine guns versus semi-automatic assault weapons—anything that looks like a machine gun is assumed to be a machine gun—can only increase the chance of public support for restrictions” on so-called “assault weapons.”

Since then, the gun-prohibition lobbies have attempted to ban as many guns as possible by using the deliberately vague and emotional label “assault weapon.”

In 1993, they convinced the Connecticut legislature to enact such as ban. Notably, none of the guns used in the Sandy Hook Elementary School murders were considered “assault weapons” under Connecticut law.

Yet President Obama, New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Sen. Feinstein immediately insisted that the Sandy Hook murders proved the need for a national “assault weapons” ban.

The truth is, such a ban has already been tried and was a complete failure. In 1994, President Clinton used every resource available to push the Feinstein ban through. In order to pass the bill, Feinstein had to accept a sunset clause requiring the ban to expire in 2004, after 10 years. She also accepted the requirement that the u.s. Department of Justice commission a study of the ban’s effectiveness.

Clinton’s attorney general, Janet Reno (one of the most anti-gun attorneys general in u.s. history), picked the Urban Institute—a well-respected, left-leaning think tank in Washington, d.c. —to conduct the study. The Urban Institutes final report was delivered in 2004 and published by the National Institutes of Justice, the research arm of the Department of Justice. The report (available at http:// www.sas.upenn.edu/jerrylee/research/ aw_final2004.pdf) found the ban had zero beneficial impact No reduction in homicides. No reduction in the number of shots fired during crimes. No reduction in deaths of police officers.

The ban did have some impact on the models of handguns that criminals used (with the banned models being used less), but the change of models had zero benefit in terms of reduced crime or injury.

Notably, the Feinstein-Clinton ban also outlawed the sale of new magazines holding more than 10 rounds. This, too, was found to have no discernible benefit of any sort.

Though a proven failure, an updated version of Feinstein’s ban is back at both the federal and state levels. Defeating any particular ban now will not stop the prohibitionists from pushing similar bans next year, or whenever they can seize the opportunity to quickly exploit an atrocious crime to promote their agenda.

The “assault weapon” hoax has been around for a quarter-century, and it is not going to go away soon.

So its worth taking a look at the drafts and outlines of the Feinstein-Obama bill that have been circulated, because it is going to be the template of gun prohibitionists for years to come.

Nominally, Feinsteins bill would allow current owners of newly banned firearms to keep them if they go through the same procedure required to purchase a machine gun, likely requiring the same $200 per gun registration tax. Yet upon the death of the registered owner, the federal government will confiscate the gun.

Additionally, some of the fine print

In the Feinstein bill will result in mass confiscations from existing gun owners. So what currently legal firearms will Obama and Feinstein turn into criminal contraband?

The bill starts off by outlawing more than 120 firearms by name. This contrasts with the 1994 ban, which outlawed only 19 firearms by name. Among the guns singled out on Feinstein’s expanded ban is the mi carbine. Introduced in 1941, for decades thereafter the federal government sold the mi carbine to Americans at bargain prices, to encourage participation in civilian marksmanship competitions.

Also outlawed by name in the new Feinstein-Obama ban are some models of the Ruger Mini-14, and any sks that can take a detachable magazine. Everything in the “ar series” is banned, whether or not the model says “AR-15.”

But the ban-by-name portion of the Feinstein bill is just a small start. Next comes a ban on all semi-automatic firearms that have at least one superficial “feature.” The previous Feinstein ban had outlawed more than 200 models of firearms based on features. The new Feinstein ban is far broader.

Note that some of the “features” that Feinstein would ban have no relevance for real guns and seem to be included solely for the purpose of alarming the public. For example, the Feinstein bill would outlaw rifles that have attachments for a “rocket launcher.” Since no companies make guns for the civilian market that have such a feature, the ban would affect nothing. But putting the words “rocket launcher” into the bill gives the readily gulled “mainstream” media the opportunity to ask indignantly, “How can the NRA oppose a ban on guns made to shoot rockets?”

The rest of the banned “features,” however, would affect a huge number of guns. The ban includes any semi-automatic rifle that can accept a detachable magazine and has any one of the following features: pistol grip or forward grip; folding, telescoping or detachable stock; barrel shroud or threaded barrel.

So those rifles featuring a telescoping stock are banned even though they make the gun adjustable to the shooter’s size and physique.

Regarding the grip prohibition, it’s obvious that gun-banners learn much of what they know about guns by watching movies made by other gun-banners, such as the “Rambo” series by Sylvester Stallone. So they think that the purpose of a “pistol grip” is to enable somebody to “spray fire” a gun. And, of course, the prohibitionists pretend that semi­-automatic rifles are exactly the same as the machine guns in the movies.

But Feinstein’s draft bill would define the term “pistol grip” in a ridiculously broad way, to include “a grip, a thumbhole stock, or any other characteristic that can function as a grip.” But every gun that can be held in your hand has some kind of “characteristic that can function as a grip,” which means the definition would ban any semi-auto rifle with a detachable magazine.

Also banned would be all semi-automatic rifles and handguns that have fixed (non-detachable) magazines that hold more than 10 rounds. (Except for .22 rifles with tubular magazines.)

The features banned on semi-auto pistols also cover anything with a threaded barrel, a second pistol grip, a barrel shroud or the “capacity to accept a detachable magazine at some location outside of the pistol grip.”

The ban on semi-automatic rifles and handguns with threaded barrels is intended to thwart the attachment of muzzle brakes or sound suppressors. Muzzle brakes reduce recoil and make it easier to fire the gun more accurately, which apparently is bad in Feinstein’s view.

Suppressors are legal in the United States; buying one requires the same very severe process as buying a machine gun. They are sometimes, inaccurately, called “silencers.” They typically reduce a gunshot’s noise by about 15-20 decibels, which still leaves the gun four times louder than a chain saw.

But people who only know about firearms by watching movies imagine that guns with “silencers” are nearly silent, and are only used by professional assassins. In real life, sound suppressors are used by lots of people who want to protect their hearing or to reduce the noise heard by neighbors of a shooting range. Many firearm instructors choose suppressors to help novice shooters avoid flinching due to the noise of the muzzle blasts.

More business for audiologists—and more hearing loss for shooters—are byproducts of the Feinstein ban.

The “features” on semi-automatic shotguns that Feinstein wants banned are similar to the features for semi-auto rifles, with two important additions: First, shotguns wouldn’t have to have detachable magazines to be banned. Because all shotguns have “grips,” this means any semi-auto shotgun could fall under her ban. Second, Feinstein would outlaw any semi-auto shotgun that has a “fixed magazine with the capacity to accept more than 5 rounds.” This would ban a wide variety of home-defense shotguns. It also means using a magazine extender to increase the capacity of one’s Remington 1100 from five to seven rounds would make the individual an instant felon.

As for magazines, the Feinstein-Obama bill would ban the manufacture or sale of magazines holding more than 10 rounds. This would directly impact some forms of hunting for which use of semi-auto magazines with more than 10 rounds is common—namely, predator control and feral hogs.

Even more importantly for Second Amendment purposes, it would deprive Americans of standard-capacity magazines for what the Supreme Court, in the Heller case, called the type of firearm “overwhelmingly chosen by American society for that lawful purpose” of self-defense. Today, about three-quarters of new handguns are semi-autos; of these, a very large percentage have standard magazines that hold between 11 and 19 rounds. Such handguns are also the primary arms of the vast majority of police officers in the United States today. This fact demonstrates that the purpose of a semi-auto handgun with a standard magazine is lawful defense of self and others—that’s the only reason that police carry firearms.

Most police officers also carry backup long guns in their patrol cars. Quite often, that long gun is an AR-15 rifle with a 20- or 30-round magazine. Again, these rank-and-file police officers have those guns because they believe they are the best choice for lawful protection of self and others. That’s just the opposite of the hateful and willfully ignorant claims of the gun-banners who tell you that the only purpose of an AR-15 or a 30-round magazine is mass murder.

Besides banning the manufacture or import of magazines holding more than 10 rounds, the Feinstein-Obama ban would also make the sale of existing magazines impossible. In order to sell an existing 15-round magazine, a firearm dealer would have to certify to the attorney general that the device was manufactured “on or before the date of enactment” of the ban. Because magazines are not date-stamped for manufacture and do not have serial numbers, that is impossible to do.

So the magazines you own on the day the Feinstein-Obama ban goes into effect would be the only magazines you will ever be allowed to own. And you could still be criminally prosecuted for the ones you do own.

Under the old (1994-2004) Feinstein ban, manufacture of new magazines was banned, but possession of pre-ban magazines was allowed. If the government wanted to prosecute someone for possessing a 15-round magazine, the government had the burden of proving that the magazine was manufactured after the ban went into effect. Notably, the new ban removes that burden of proof.

In other words, if you have a 13-round Kimber magazine you bought in 2006, the federal government could put you on trial, and it would be up to you to convince a jury exactly when that magazine was manufactured.

What if you currently own a firearm covered by the Feinstein-Obama ban? It would be confiscated immediately, unless you follow the same procedure that is required for the purchase of a machine gun or a sound suppressor. You would have to register the gun with Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (BATFE), be fingerprinted and pay a tax of $200 per gun. You could never take it out of state without advance written permission from BATFE. If you change the place where the firearm is stored (e.g., you move to a new house), you would have to notify BATFE in advance.

You could not sell or give the firearm to anyone else. When you die, the government will confiscate it. Your heirs will receive no compensation.

All of the above presumes that you’re lucky.

You see, there’s one other crucial step in purchasing a machine gun or a suppressor: You need official permission from your local police chief or sheriff, who must sign ATF Form 4. Many chiefs and sheriffs simply refuse to sign this form for anyone. In effect, they prohibit anyone in their jurisdiction from acquiring machine guns or suppressors.

If your local chief or sheriff won’t sign the Form 4 to allow you to register and pay the taxes on your current semi-autos, then you would have no way of possessing them legally. They would be contraband, and you would be guilty of a serious federal felony.

How long would your sentence be? Suppose that today you have no prior criminal record, and you illegally possess an unregistered machine gun. Under the Feinstein-Obama ban, the prohibited semi-autos would be in the same legal category. Under the u.s. Sentencing Guidelines, the possession of an unregistered machine gun carries a presumptive sentence of 27 to 51 months for a defendant with no criminal history, depending on how many guns are possessed; and a judge is not supposed to sentence a defendant to probation. Prison time is required.

A perfectly behaved federal prisoner may be released for “good behavior” after serving 85 percent of the sentence. Of course, as a convicted felon they will be forbidden to ever possess a firearm … even by holding a friend’s unloaded gun for a minute.

As for those lucky owners who get local police and BATFE permission to keep their own firearms, after paying $200 per gun for the privilege, it wouldn’t be wise to expect to really be able to keep them until one dies. On Feb. 5,1995, Feinstein explained on “60 Minutes,” “If I could have gotten 51 votes in the Senate of the United States for an outright ban, picking up every one of them… Mr. and Mrs. America, turn em all in, I would have done it. I could not do that. The votes weren’t here.”

In other words, once the votes are there for immediate confiscation, expect that immediate confiscation will happen. The registration lists of all the people who paid the $200-per-gun tax will make confiscation much easier.

To lull legislators into thinking that the Feinstein-Obama bill does not ban very many guns, the bill also includes a list of over 1,000 guns that are not banned. The non-banned list consists of various rifles and shotguns, but not of any handguns. The list is inflated by listing every possible model and variant of non-banned guns that Feinstein could pick from a handful of reference books. For example, the bolt-action Ruger M77 Hawkeye appears 14 times in its various configurations on the Feinstein list.

The non-banned list includes a very small number of semi-auto rifles and shotguns, plus a massive list of lever action, bolt action, pump action or single shot long guns that her bill wouldn’t ban in the first place. This is sort of like a bill that outlaws all forms of beef and chicken, and then contains a list of non-banned foods, such as “boysenberry, biscuits, buns, brownies, basil, bok choy, bakers chocolate, Brussels sprouts, blueberry muffins, banana bread, bean salad and baklava.” The fact that Feinstein enumerates some of the things that she would not ban (at least not ban today) should not distract from that fact that she would ban an enormous number of firearms and accessories.

Is this Feinstein-Obama ban constitutional? Certainly not under the original meaning of the Second Amendment, nor under the Supreme Courts 2008 Heller and 2010 McDonald decisions. But by the time a case on the Feinstein ban gets to the Supreme Court, President Obama may have had the opportunity to appoint more justices who, like four of the nine current justices, view the Second Amendment as a nullity.

“Stand And Fight” has been the NRA’s motto since last November. Not in the Walter Mitty sense of posing with a gun and talking tough on Facebook, but in the real, immediate and practical sense of collective political and social action to defend our rights.

Contacting elected officials, writing letters to the editor, volunteering with the NRA and with local groups, recruiting new NRA members, talking to friends and neighbors, educating other gun owners about the Feinstein-Obama ban and about other attacks on our rights—these are the ways that all NRA patriots -AND- I will add, all US citizens wanting to hold on to their PRECIOUS FREEDOMS, must Stand And Fight;  And fight NOW!

We must Stand And Fight, not just against the Feinstein-Obama bill in Congress, but also against similar bills in the states and against the entire national anti-gun campaign being directed by Obama, Bloomberg and others.

With Obama now firmly ensconced in the White House for a second term, it is the only chance we have to avert catastrophe.

Seeing it JUST about gun rights is COMPLETELY not grasping the dire consequences 5 of 9


THE CATASTROPHIC, AND I DO MEAN CATASTROPHIC CONSEQUENCES OF REGISTRATION!

 

President Obama, however, didn’t really seem to mean what he said. His children attend a school safeguarded by armed security, as every American child ought to be able to do. Yet, instead of looking for ways to protect children, President Obama, Vice President Joe Biden, Obama senior adviser Valerie Jarrett, New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and their media minions have unleashed a program to destroy the Second Amendment.

At the core of the gun-banners’ program is national gun registration.

In truth, gun registration would have done absolutely nothing to stop the Sandy Hook murderer who killed his mother and stole her lawfully purchased firearms. Nor would it have stopped the killer who attacked Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords, or the Virginia Tech murderer, both of whom bought their guns in stores.

WE WILL HAVE to change,” President Obama said recently, referring to Americans needing to do everything possible to ensure that murders like those at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn, are never repeated elsewhere. Of course, the National Rifle Association strongly agrees, and has introduced the NRA National School Shield Program in order to develop very specific ideas for how to stop the next evildoer who attempts to murder children at school.

But gun registration is very good for one thing— confiscation. And even more immediately, gun registration is ideal to bolster the quickly growing public persecution of gun owners.

The state of New York shows exactly how its done. There, you may only possess a handgun if you have a license, and the license lists every single handgun you own. In Rockland County, the Journal News used public records to obtain the name and address of every handgun owner in the county. Those names and addresses were then published, in full, by the newspaper and placed on the newspaper’s website, where they are now available for everyone to see. The newspaper has been digging into gun registration lists in other counties as well, with plans to publish those records.

The same thing was done to all registered gun owners in New York City in early January. This time, the perpetrator was Gawker.com, one of the most high-traffic sites on the Internet that specializes in salacious gossip and vulgar malice. Gawker absolutely hates guns, gun owners and the NRA.

What does this mean for the people who dutifully complied with New York’s gun registration law? It means those who chose not to have their personal information listed in the phone book now have their residences exposed to a worldwide audience on the Internet. It now means that people who kept low profiles and their addresses private because they have been victims of stalkers are now easier targets for stalkers and other sociopaths.

In 1989, actress Rebecca Schaeffer was murdered by a stalker who obtained her home address from her California driver’s license records. Since then, many states have barred public access to driver’s license records. But gun registration records are not necessarily private.

One group pleased with the RocklandJournal News’ publication of gun registration data was the felons in nearby state prisons. They’ve told prison guards who live in Rockland County that now, thanks to the Journal News, the prisoners and their friends on the outside know exactly where the guards’ families live. If a prisoner decides he doesn’t like a particular guard, it is now a lot easier to find that guard s family.

After the Journal News published gun owner registration information, another paper in the area, the Rockland County Times, asked several former convicts what they thought about the publication of registration information. The convicts all agreed that it would be an outstanding list for burglars to use.

We know that the vast majority of burglars in the United States (unlike in Great Britain or Ireland) try to avoid breaking into a home when someone is there because of the risk of being shot by the homeowner. So the longest part of a burglar s working day is “casing the joint” to ensure nobody is home. Burglars in Rockland County now know which homes to avoid while the occupants are home. And once the occupants are gone, burglars know precisely where they can steal guns to sell on the black market.

Consequently, New York’s gun registration program is now being used to help criminals arm themselves.

It’s likely that the Rockland Journal News was not intentionally attempting to help criminals; the newspaper was just wanton and reckless about the very foreseeable pro-crime consequences of its actions. Rather, the Journal News, based on its printed justification for its actions, seems to have been motivated by social malice against gun owners.

Perhaps one of your neighbors hates gun owners. You know from casual conversation with him that he is angry and irrational about guns. To avoid upsetting him, you don’t tell him you are a gun owner. When your car leaves your garage on a Saturday morning, he doesn’t know that you are driving to the shooting range with a pistol in your trunk.

Or suppose that the guy who hates guns isn’t your neighbor; he’s your boss. Thanks to gun registration, he now knows that you are one of the people he hates. He may never confront you about the topic. He may never tell you why his written evaluations of you suddenly became so negative. Or why, when your department had to lay off somebody, he decided that somebody would be you.

Gun registration—what Obama, Biden and Bloomberg euphemistically call “a national database”—is also a perfect tool for the later confiscation of guns.

New York City has experience in this arena. In the mid-1960’s, street crime was rising rapidly there as in most of the rest of the nation. The people who were perpetrating muggings in Central Park and robbing liquor stores in Queens were not the decent, law-abiding gun owners of New York City. Nevertheless, the New York City Council and anti-gun Mayor John Lindsay enacted long gun registration. The per-gun fee was just a few dollars. The politicians promised that gun registration could help solve crimes and, even if it didn’t, registration was harmless. After all, it was just registering guns, not confiscating them.

As registration did nothing to solve crime or stop criminal use of guns, crime continued to get worse in the city. So in 1991, with the city becoming increasingly unlivable, Mayor David Dinkins attempted to make himself think he was tough on crime, this time by pressuring the City Council to enact a ban on so-called “assault weapons” (such as the M1 carbine).

After that, the New York state police used registration lists to conduct home inspections of every individual whose registered gun had been outlawed. The police were ensuring that the registered guns had been moved out of the city or already surrendered to the government.

Gun confiscation is much easier if guns have first been registered. Pete Shields, past president of the Brady Campaign, explained in 1977, “The first problem is to slow down the number of handguns being produced and sold in this country. The second problem is to get handguns registered. The final problem is to make possession of all handguns and all handgun ammunition—except for the military, police, licensed security guards, licensed sporting

clubs and licensed gun collectors—totally illegal.” (Richard Harris, A Reporter at Large: Handguns, The New Yorker, July 26, 1976, p. 58.) (At the time, Shields’ group was called the National Council to Control Handguns. It later changed its name to Handgun Control, Inc., then later changed it again to the Brady Campaign.)

Shields was right to identify registration as a first step toward confiscation. In Great Britain, registration lists were used for the confiscation of every handgun and every semi-automatic long gun.

On the Monday morning after the Sandy Hook murders, Howard Dean (former chairman of the Democratic National Committee) touted Australian-style gun confiscation as the model for the United States. In Australia, the national government waited for an atrocious mass murder to take place (32 people at a tourist site in Tasmania in 1996), and then unleashed its gun confiscation program. Following a plan developed by Rebecca Peters (who would later become the head of an international gun-ban lobby called the International Action Network on Small Arms, or IANSA), the confiscation bill was rushed through the legislature while emotions were high and skeptics could be shouted down.

Thus, every semi-automatic rifle, every semi-automatic shotgun and every pump-action rifle in the nation was confiscated. This was followed by confiscation of a huge variety of handguns in 2003.

Handguns in Australia had been registered since the 1930s, but most Australian states had only imposed long gun registration in the two decades preceding the confiscation. Civil liberties activists who raised concerns that registration lists could be used for confiscation were sneered at as paranoid extremists.

Some of the people who had enacted gun registration in England and Australia may have had no intention of confiscating firearms, and may even have opposed confiscation. They may have rationalized that even if registration might not do much good, it couldn’t do any harm. They were absolutely wrong.
The catastrophic dangers of gun registration were demonstrated in Europe in the mid-20th century.  There, gun registration laws had been enacted by democratic governments, such as the Weimar Republic in Germany, or the Third Republic in France.

The lists fell into the hands of the Nazis, first in Germany and then in all the countries they conquered. In Germany, guns were confiscated from the Jews and from anyone else who was not considered to be an utterly obedient servant of the regime. In the Nazi-occupied countries, guns were confiscated from everyone. If a family could not produce and immediately surrender a firearm that had once been registered to someone in the family, the entire family would be executed on the spot.

In the Soviet Union, and then in the Eastern European countries that the Soviets took over following World War II, gun registration lists were likewise used for confiscation. Hitler and Stalin, like every dictator who perpetrated genocide during the 20th century, assiduously confiscated guns before starting the genocide.

Registration. Confiscation. Extinction.
Each step makes the next step much easier.

The American people were well aware of this danger on the eve of World War II. So in 1941, when Congress passed the Property Requisition Act to allow the federal government to seize property that might be needed for the national defense, Congress specifically forbade the federal government from using this act to seize or register guns.

In 1986, the Firearms Owners’ Protection Act, the nra flagship bill that forbids the creation of a federal registry of guns or gun owners, became law. Likewise, when Congress in 1993 set up the National Instant Criminal Background Check System, it required that once a check was completed, the record of an approved sale must be destroyed.

Like President Obama, President Lyndon Johnson used an atrocious crime (the assassination of Sen. Robert Kennedy by an anti-Israel extremist) to push national gun registration. Congress rejected the idea. Instead, the Gun Control Act of 1968 requires firearm manufacturers, wholesalers and retail dealers to keep written records of sales. However, those records are decentralized, and are not consolidated into a national database. This reduces (but does not eliminate) the risk that those records could be used for gun confiscation.

We know that gun registration does not work. The largest, most detailed comparative study of the effects of various firearm laws was conducted by Florida State University criminologist Gary Kleck, published in his book Point Blank: Guns and Violence in America. That book was awarded the highest honor by the American Society of Criminology: the Michael j. Hindelang book award “for the greatest contribution to criminology in a three-year period.” The Kleck study examined many years of crime data from the 75 largest cities in the u.s. The study controlled for numerous variables such as poverty, race, arrest rates and so on. Kleck’s study found no crime-reductive benefits from gun registration.

New Zealand’s Arms Act of 1983, enacted at the request of the police, abolished the registration of rifles and shotguns. Rifle registration had been the law since 1920 and shotgun registration since 1968. The New Zealand police explained that long gun registration was expensive and impractical, and that the money could be better spent on other police work. The New Zealand police pointed out that database management is an enormously difficult and expensive task, that the long gun registration database was a mess, and that it yielded virtually nothing of value to the police.

Although some gun control advocates began pushing in 1997 to revive the registry, since, supposedly, computers would make it work this time. The plan was rejected after several years of extensive debate and analysis.

One reason that New Zealand continues to reject gun registration was the fiasco in Canada. There, long gun registration was enacted in 1995 and repealed in 2012. The registry literally cost over 100 times more than expected. The more than $2 billion that was wasted on the registry could have been spent on putting police on the streets (rather than shuffling paperwork). Or it could have upgraded forensics laboratories. Or it could have paid for social worker outreach to potentially violent people.

Allan Rock, the justice minister for the Liberal government that imposed registration, claimed that universal firearm registration would reduce criminal violence, total suicides and domestic abuse. He spoke forcefully against the use of firearms for self-defense, and said that the severe gun laws would distinguish Canada from the United States. Put another way, Rock was saying that his gun registry was the opposite of the Second Amendment.

The pretext for the Canadian registry was that a man had attacked a college and killed several people (because, of course, Canadians are not allowed to carry handguns for protection). The killer had actually used registered guns, but that fact was irrelevant to Canada’s gun prohibitionists.

Already, by executive fiat, Obama has unilaterally imposed federal registration on anyone who buys two or more semi-automatic rifles within a one-week period. Currently, Obama’s registration system applies in the four Southwest border states, but Bloomberg has been urging Obama to impose the registration nationwide. Never mind that a federal statute specifically forbids this registration— so far, the courts have let Obama get away with it.

When Obama and Bloomberg talk about “expanding background checks,” read the fine print of the actual bill. Every bill touted by Bloomberg and sponsored by anti-gun zealots such as Sen. Charles Schumer that carries the label of “background checks” has, in fact, been a bill that includes extensive gun registration.

When the NRA said “never again” about Newtown, it was serious. Real security measures would ensure that never again, as in Newtown, will a sociopath have 20 minutes to murder schoolchildren before the police arrive.

The gun-ban lobbies, their political allies and their media enablers looked at Newtown and saw the opportunity for which they had been waiting. The murdered children and their teachers have been turned into the political pretext for gun registration.

Rather cynical, isn’t it?

Seeing it JUST about gun rights is COMPLETELY not grasping the dire consequences 4 of 9


OBAMA BEGINS PUSHING GUN BAN

 

Just recently, President Barack Obama announced 23 executive actions—many related to firearm ownership—and pledged his support for several strict legislative measures that would dramatically affect law-abiding gun owners.

Among other things, the executive actions included issuing a presidential memorandum directing the Centers for Disease Control to resume its previously curtailed biased gun-ban research, directing the attorney general to issue a report on the availability and most effective use of new gun safety technologies, and directing the attorney general to review categories of individuals prohibited from having a gun, which could lead to someday adding millions more law-abiding gun owners to the list. (See the complete list at http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/documents/politics/gun-violence-reduction-executive-actions/244/)

The actions also included publishing a letter from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives to federally licensed gun dealers providing guidance on how to run background checks for private sellers, seemingly attempting to pave the way for tough restrictions on gun sales by individuals.

“Attacking firearms and ignoring children is not a solution to the crisis we face as a nation,” said the NRA in a statement. “Only honest, law-abiding gun owners will be affected, and our children will remain vulnerable to the inevitability of more tragedy.”

Obama also announced his full-fledged support of various pieces of anti-gun legislation, including requiring background checks for all gun sales, banning modern sporting rifles (called “assault weapons” by gun haters) and limiting magazines to 10 rounds.

Of course, a federal ban on “assault weapons” and “high-cap” magazines was in place for 10 years and did nothing to reduce crime.

The NRA noted that it will put all its effort into fighting anti-gun measures pushed by Obama and some in Congress.

“The NRA will continue to focus on keeping our children safe and securing our schools, fixing our broken mental health system, and prosecuting violent criminals to the fullest extent of the law We look forward to working with Congress on a bipartisan basis to find real solutions to protecting America’s most valuable asset—our children.”

INSURING AWAY YOUR SECOND AMENDMENT RIGHTS

Aware that passing sweeping gun bans could be difficult, some gun haters are looking for another way to get guns out of the hands of law-abiding citizens—requiring costly insurance policies for anyone owning a weapon.

The scheme is really to force law-abiding citizens to jump through hoops to buy costly insurance policies, in order to get them to decide it’s just too much of a hassle to own a gun.

A liability proposal was introduced in the Illinois legislature in 2009. That bill required anyone in the state who owned a firearm to carry at least $1 million of liability insurance, “covering any damages resulting from negligent or willful acts” involving the use of the gun.

Of course, criminals, who don’t follow gun laws or any other laws, also wouldn’t follow a law making them insure their guns. So the result of such a requirement would be more cost and red tape for law-abiding gun owners, and potential disarmament for the economically disadvantaged.

 

ONE MARINE VS. THE FEINSTEIN AWB

California Sen. Dianne Feinsteins draft gun-ban bill, which reportedly would ban hundreds of different firearm models including many common guns used for sport and self-defense, has drawn widespread disgust from many Second Amendment supporters.

But few have received as much attention as the sentiments of a former u.s. Marine, whose letter to Sen. Feinstein went viral and was shared far and wide on Facebook and other social media sites.

The letter, written by Marine Joshua Boston, was titled “No ma’am” and was first posted on CNN Report on Dec. 27.

Here’s the letter in its entirety:

Sen. Dianne Feinstein,

I will not register my weapons should this bill be passed, as I do not believe it is the governments right to know what I own. Nor do I think it prudent to tell you what I own so that it may be taken from me by a group of people who enjoy armed protection yet decry me having the same, a crime. You, madam, have overstepped a line that is not your domain. I am a Marine Corps veteran of eight years, and I will not have some woman who proclaims the evil of an inanimate object, yet carries one, tell me I may not have one.

I am not your subject. I am the man who keeps you free. I am not your servant. I am the person whom you serve. I am not your peasant. I am the flesh and blood of America.

I am the man who fought for my country. lam the man who learned. I am an American. You will not tell me that I must register my semi-automatic AR-15 because of the actions of some evil man.  

I will not be disarmed to suit the fear that has been established by the media and your misinformation campaign against the American public.

We, the people, deserve better than you.

Respectfully Submitted,

Joshua Boston, Cpl 

United States Marine Corps 2004-2012

 

FLORIDA: MORE GOOD NEWS YOU WONT SEE WIDELY REPORTED

In the modern-day home state of shall-issue Right-to-Carry laws, good things are happening that you wont see widely reported in the “mainstream” media.

You see, while Florida has issued the most carry permits of any state, firearm violence there has fallen to the lowest point on record.

Fact is, the firearm-involved violent crime rate has dropped 33 percent between 2007 and 2011, while the number of concealed weapons permits issued rose nearly 90 percent during that time, according records

Seeing it JUST about gun rights is COMPLETELY not grasping the dire consequences 3 of 9


Ignoring Deranged People Is Wrong-Headed And Dangerous

A few months ago, a mentally unhinged New York City woman pushed an Indian man she had never met onto the subway tracks as a train was approaching. He was killed. She claimed she did it because she hates Muslims and Hindus. It turned out that she had been treated at a New York psychiatric hospital and her mother had called police at least five times due to her violence at home. She had even assaulted a police officer. She was arrested at least nine times and either released outright or allowed to plead guilty to assault and other charges without jail time or remand to a mental facility for treatment.

A violence-prone schizophrenic who refused to take her medication, the woman was a danger to herself and to her community, a fact known to her mother, her doctor and the police.

Her case is not all that exceptional. It hit the papers when she murdered a man, just as the cases of the recent school and theater murderers became news when the time bombs inside the perpetrators’ heads went off and they ran amok. But in virtually every case there were signs that those around them should have noticed. In the case of the Aurora murderer, the only person who encountered him and refused to deal with him was a gun dealer who suspected that he was as crazy as he turned out to be.

Since the mid-1960s, the nra has been urging that government, at all levels, take steps to force the dangerously mentally ill to get treatment or to get them off the street, nra members have argued that information on those legally adjudicated as mentally ill and potentially dangerous be included in the federal databases checked when one purchases a firearm. More than 20 states still have failed to input this information—which means that some people who shouldn’t be allowed to purchase any firearm can do so.

Not everyone suffering mental distress, mild depression or dozens of other conditions that can, and perhaps should, be treated by mental health professionals is dangerous. But violent schizophrenics and others who often refuse to take the medications that allow them to function as part of a civilized society should be monitored and kept away from potentially dangerous weapons. In recent decades more and more people as dangerous as the Newtown murderer and the New York subway killer have been “deinstitutionalized.” Now, they are either in prison because they have already lost control of their emotions, or wandering our streets because they haven’t yet committed the sort of violent acts that will finally force lax law enforcement and mental health bureaucracies to take action.

Had we come to grips with this problem earlier, the man who died on the subway tracks in New York would be alive. So might the children killed in Newtown in December and too many others who have died at the hands of deranged killers over the last few decades.

It is impossible to predict who might turn into the next subway killer or school attacker. That’s why security is so important and why so many schools already protect their students by posting police or armed security guards within their schools. But people who notice the signs exhibited by the clearly disturbed should bring their concerns to the attention of school officials or police who, in turn, should act on those concerns.

In fact, predicting who might be mentally dangerous is complicated and fraught with dangers of its own of which we should be aware. Overreaction should be avoided. Civil and law enforcement authorities should never be given the power to willy-nilly categorize people as some sort of threat as an excuse to deprive them of their Second Amendment rights. But there are those who are clearly dangerous, and ignoring the threat they pose is just as dangerous.

The mothers of the Newtown and New York killers knew something had to be done and both tried to get the authorities to act. Both failed and as a result 27 innocents never saw the New Year.

Seeing it JUST about gun rights is COMPLETELY not grasping the dire consequences 2 of 9


“National Conversation” Is One-Sided

The new watchword for the firearm-confiscation movement in America is “national conversation”—a term that takes on ominous meaning for millions of peaceable, innocent gun owners, especially in light of President Barack Obama’s threat to institute new, draconian gun bans and universal gun-owner registration schemes.

With the mass murder of school children in Newtown, Conn., by a clearly deranged killer, the nature of this “conversation” has been penned by the key figures in the gun-ban movement—from the president, to New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, to U.S.. Sen. Dianne Feinstein, to the Brady Campaign, to literally hundreds of editorial writers.

Much of the “conversation” in the media has been a new level of hatred against gun owners, the Second Amendment and those who defend the right to keep and bear arms, specifically the NRA.

A commentary by retired opinion writer Donald Kaul in the Des Moines Register provides a hint of the real meaning of this “conversation.” Here are Kaul’s demands:

“Repeal the Second Amendment, the part about guns anyway. …

“Declare the NRA a terrorist organization and make membership illegal. Hey! We did it to the Communist Party, and the NRA has led to the deaths of more of us than American Commies ever did. (I would also raze the organization’s headquarters, clear the rubble and salt the earth, but that’s optional.) Make ownership of unlicensed assault rifles a felony. If some people refused to give up their guns, that prying the guns from their cold, dead hands’ thing works for me.”

If that last part of the “conversation” sounds unhinged, try this from the governor of New York, Andrew Cuomo, who was the gun control majordomo in the Bill Clinton White House:

“Confiscation could be an option. Mandatory sale to the state could be an option.”

Confiscation. There it is. Finally, the end game has been spelled out by someone in power. No one in the gun-ban crowd has denied it. Forcible government taking of constitutionally protected private property is now just part of the “conversation.”

“Conversation” means they dictate and gun owners obey.

Dan Gross of the Brady Campaign has bragged that “… the national conversation about common sense solutions to gun violence continues to gain unprecedented momentum.” (Emphasis added.)

Creating hatred for NRA members is a major part of Gross’ “national conversation.” He praised radical journalist Jason Whitlock, who wrote:

“I believe the NRA is the new KKK. And that the arming of so many black youths, and loading up our community with drugs, and then just having an open shooting gallery, is the work of people who obviously don’t have our best interests [at heart].”

Here’s another example from the “gun-banner” blog, which quotes the Obama 2012 platform stating: “We believe in an honest, open national conversation about firearms.” Those words are followed with this:

“As a violence policy advocate I support having reasoned discourse about common sense gun laws that will register and eventually disarm the public. …”

How about this from Scott Blakeman, a left-wing Fox News contributor, as a “conversation” opener:

“The National Rifle Association essentially harbors terrorists, by resisting any attempt to apply sensible regulations on gun use.

“… The President must start the national conversation about gun violence right now.”

But this “conversation” isn’t just about semi-auto rifles. Consider the words of White House confidant, frequent Obama water-carrier and national commentator Bob Beckel:

“The culture of violence with handguns in this country is out of control. … If it was up to me, you’d ban all handguns, every one of them. Burn them. Get rid of them.”

Then there is CNN’s Piers Morgan who said flat-out on his Dec. 3 program, “I’d remove every gun in America. Boom.” That’s the essence of the “national conversation.”

Ask yourself, what is there to talk about? Power for them, and the total, ultimate loss of our liberty for us.

For gun owners—especially for NRA members—when it comes to the Second Amendment, the truth is there is nothing to talk about beyond what the Founding Fathers intended.

The word “conversation” in normal context means there’s a give and take. But in the context of “gun control,” it will always mean one thing: they take, and we are SUPPOSED TO GIVE.

For at least 50 years—beginning with the birth of the gun control movement in the United States— the gun-banners’ part of the “conversation” about the Second Amendment was universally the same: “The individual right never existed. There is nothing to discuss. It is a fact.”

In their “conversation,” only government had the “right.” That “conversation” from the gun-banners didn’t end when the U.S. Supreme Court twice upheld an individual right to keep and bear arms for all Americans; it just changed. They are now saying the right exists, but government can infringe the Second Amendment into oblivion.

The one-sided conversation will never end, but the facts are on our side. Our part of the conversation is to ask, “What don’t you anti-gun opportunists understand about ‘No’?”

After all, the facts, the law, and the Constitution are clearly on our side. When it comes to the principle of losing freedom, there is nothing to talk about. We must stand and fight.

Seeing it JUST about gun rights is COMPLETELY not grasping the dire consequences 1 of 9


Spinning The NRA’s Gun-Safety Record

During January 2013, a representative of the NRA met with the task force that Vice President Joe Biden is leading to ostensibly address school safety—but, of course, it has turned into nothing more than a thinly veiled attempt to ban guns.

The task force met with a large number of gun-ban organizations and, as usual, the so-called “mainstream” media got it all wrong.

Rather than call them what they are—gun-ban groups—most national media said the task force was meeting with gun safety groups.” Likewise, those same media outlets spoke of “meetings with the gun lobby” when mentioning the NRA’s participation.

They couldn’t have it more wrong. The Brady Campaign, the Violence Policy Center and other such groups have done nothing to teach real firearm safety. They don’t care about gun safety; they care only about banning guns and further curtailing the rights of law-abiding Americans.

The NRA, on the other hand, is not only the oldest and largest civil rights organization on the planet, it’s also the largest gun safety group in the world.

The NRA’s Eddie Eagle GunSafe® Program is a hugely successful program that has saved lives. The program teaches children in pre-K through third grade the four important steps to take if they find a gun: stop! Don’t Touch. Leave the Area. Tell an Adult.

Since 1988, the program has reached more than 26 million children in all 50 states. This program was developed through the combined efforts of clinical psychologists, reading specialists, teachers, curriculum specialists, urban housing officials, law enforcement personnel and other qualified professionals.

The success of Eddie Eagle is one of the NRA’s proudest achievements, and confirms the association’s reputation as the preeminent gun safety group in the nation.

Is the national media unaware of the NRA’s gun safety record, or do they simply choose to overlook it in favor of stories that either titillate or promote an anti-gun angle?  The NRA has talked plenty about  its varied gun safety programs, and information pertaining to the millions of individuals the NRA trains each year is readily available on the Internet. Consequently, the conclusion is that these media outlets are intentionally ignoring the truth about the NRA and gun safety to further push their gun-ban agenda.

Shame on them. When the public can’t rely on the media to tell the truth about something as important as gun safety, it’s a sad state of affairs, indeed.

Cracks In The Bell


John Locke, who was crucial to the Founders’ thinking, held that we are possessed of the inalienable right to own our bodies.  From this we get the “life, liberty and pursuit of property” construction that was subtly changed in the Declaration to make more explicit the personal nature of property.  And from the notion that one controls one’s body and may defend it, we get the attendant right to bear arms; you can’t defend yourself with parchment.  This progressive notion that the police and armed forces should hold a monopoly on the legal violence necessary to defend each individual thus betrays both foundational and fundamental principles and the traditionally auxiliary role of law enforcement in American society.  The police, as the Supreme Court has repeatedly held, are employees of the public and not the sole enforcers of public order.  Americans who would leave the means of violence in the hands of the state and, inevitably, the criminals, would remove the means of self-defense from the one group in American life for whom the social compact was constructed:  the People.  This will not do.

When Thomas Jefferson drafted his constitution for Virginia, the proposed qualification that “no free man shall be debarred the use of arms” was undoubtedly designed to explain that slaves were excluded from the right.  But in doing so, it betrayed something else.  To found a government on the principle that “We the People” are sovereign, but then to fail to entrust those for whom the state was constructed with the means by which, as a desperate last resort, that state might be forcibly dissolved, would have been to undermine the whole edifice.  “Governments” in Europe, wrote James Madison, “are afraid to trust the people with arms.”   Not so America.

These ideas had a profound effect on me, ushering in the startling realization that, far from merely being a larger England, the United States had become something quite different:  an incubator of lost or diluted British freedoms.  As the Liberty Bell was originally cast in England, but rang out in America, so those guarantees of the “rights, liberties and immunities of free and natural-born subjects have found their truest expression across the Atlantic.  “That rifle on the wall of the laborers’ cottage or working class flat is the symbol of democracy,” wrote George Orwell in 1941.  “It is our job to see that it stays there.”

In Britain and beyond, that rifle has long been taken away.  England’s bell has fallen silent.  Americans would do well to ensure that the crack in theirs grows no larger.