fox files

The Quiet Jihad: Islamist Infiltration Became Academic Orthodoxy In America

In 1991, Mohamed Akram, a senior figure in the Muslim Brotherhood, drafted what seemed to many at the time an arcane internal strategy document. Titled An Explanatory Memorandum on the General Strategic Goal for the Group in North America, the memorandum was not a prediction, nor a mere expression of hopes, but a plan. Its words were plain and precise: to undertake a “civilizational jihad” aimed at eliminating Western civilization from within. In short, a campaign to reshape the United States in accordance with Islamist ideals, not through bombs or bullets, but through institutions, coalitions, and long-term ideological subversion.

The document was discovered in 2004 during an FBI raid on the home of Ismail Elbarasse, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Palestinian Committee and a former board member of the Holy Land Foundation. That foundation was later convicted of funneling millions to Hamas. The memorandum, entered as evidence in the largest terrorism financing trial in US history, should have been a siren. Instead, it was filed away, dismissed by many commentators as the paranoid blueprint of an overzealous ideologue. They were wrong.

Some may object: conspiracies are a dime a dozen. Anyone can draft a document. But what makes this memorandum exceptional is not only its clarity and specificity, but its remarkable congruence with developments in American civic life over the past three decades. Akram named names. He listed organizations, most still active today, and gave precise instructions on how to steer American political and cultural institutions toward the Brotherhood’s ends. This was not a fantasy. It was a plan of operation. And now, more than thirty years later, the United States is living through its implementation.

Let us begin with the objective itself. The memorandum spells it out without euphemism: “eliminating and destroying the Western civilization from within and ‘sabotaging’ its miserable house by their hands and the hands of the believers.” This was not a call to dialogue. It was not a call to integrate. It was a declaration of ideological conquest. But unlike the brutal immediacy of al-Qaeda or ISIS, the Brotherhood’s vision is subtle. Their preferred weapons are not explosives, but ideas. Their preferred terrain is not the battlefield, but the university, the courtroom, and the NGO boardroom.

The most consequential battlefield has proven to be academia. A generation of scholars, grants, endowments, and academic chairs have seeded American universities with ideas sympathetic to Islamist critiques of the West. The clearest example is Dr. Jonathan Brown a convert to Islam and the Alwaleed bin Talal Chair of Islamic Civilization at Georgetown University. In June 2025, Dr. Brown made headlines for suggesting, on X, that Iran should launch a symbolic missile strike on a US military base. He framed this not as fantasy but as strategic balance. Even more astonishingly, Brown retains a position training American diplomats.

This is not guilt by association. It is a pattern. Dr. Brown has praised Islamist movements and has been linked, both ideologically and institutionally, to the Brotherhood. His father, also a convert to Islam, was deported from the US in 2015 for supporting terrorist causes. That alone would merit scrutiny. But the larger context reveals more: Brown is not an outlier. He is emblematic of a trend in which Western universities offer sanctuary, prestige, and even state influence to figures deeply aligned with ideological opponents of the American regime.

Why is this allowed? The answer is both structural and ideological. Structurally, the Brotherhood has worked for decades to legitimize itself through front organizations. CAIR, ISNA, MSA, and NAIT, all named in the memorandum, have entrenched themselves within civic life. They have leveraged the language of civil rights, cultural pluralism, and social justice to deflect scrutiny. But this is not the pluralism of the American Founders. It is a calculated mimicry, a rhetorical Trojan horse. CAIR, in particular, has grown powerful enough to influence corporate training sessions, FBI outreach, and even school curricula. The same group that was named an unindicted co-conspirator in a terrorism financing case now advises American institutions on Islamophobia.

The ideological fuel for this strategy is the concept of “soft jihad.” The Brotherhood’s genius was recognizing that ideological capture could be more enduring than terrorism. To borrow from Antonio Gramsci, cultural hegemony precedes political revolution. The Brotherhood has pursued its hegemony not by overt domination but by normalizing its worldview. Consider the linguistic sleight-of-hand: criticism of Islamist ideology is branded as racism. Security concerns are dismissed as Islamophobia. Calls for assimilation are recast as xenophobia. The cumulative effect is not merely the silencing of dissent, but the transformation of public morality. It is not merely that Americans are being told not to criticize radical Islam. They are being trained to believe that doing so is immoral.

Take the campus protests in 2024 and 2025. Demonstrations ostensibly in support of Palestinian rights quickly metastasized into calls for the abolition of Israel, attacks on Western values, and explicit praise for Hamas. At Columbia, UCLA, and Harvard, protesters chanted slogans directly lifted from Brotherhood propaganda. The phrase “From the river to the sea” is not a geographic aspiration. It is a genocidal demand. It aligns precisely with Hamas’s stated goal: the eradication of the Jewish state. Yet these protests were often protected, even praised, by university administrators. In some cases, professors joined the chants. In others, students who dissented were harassed or disciplined.

Again, the question is: how did this happen? The answer is that the Brotherhood never aimed to win by numbers. It aimed to win by leverage. Infiltrating a university’s DEI board (regardless of what they’re calling it today) is more strategic than converting a neighborhood. Capturing a seminary is more effective than radicalizing a mosque. Influence within media and academia shapes future diplomats, journalists, and lawmakers. Consider again Dr. Jonathan Brown, who holds a prestigious post at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service, the institution tasked with training America’s next generation of diplomats. He is not merely offering courses in comparative religion or Islamic history. He is shaping worldviews, teaching the values and ideological frameworks that mirror those advanced by the Muslim Brotherhood. Over time, this kind of influence bends not just the institutions but the nation’s moral compass.

Some might say this is mere moral panic. They will ask for proof. But the proof is the very document itself, affirmed by the Department of Justice, entered into evidence in federal court, and consistent in substance with the outcomes we now witness. The memorandum was not only a statement of intent. It was an instruction manual. And like a well-executed recipe, it has produced its intended result.

What is needed now is not hysteria, but clarity. Clarity that Islamist ideology is not identical to Islam, that freedom of religion is not a license for subversion, and that tolerance cannot be the suicide pact of a civilization. The United States has every right, and indeed a duty, to guard its institutions from ideological capture. That does not mean banning belief. It means understanding belief systems that explicitly reject the Constitution, that see liberty as vice and pluralism as sin, cannot be treated as neutral participants in the civic order. They are not here to join the republic. They are here to replace it.

Akram and his colleagues were honest about their intentions. That is more than can be said for their apologists in the West. To them, the memorandum is either fiction or an irrelevant historical artifact. But the architects of civilization must contend with realities, not hopes. The Brotherhood’s strategy was not shouted from a pulpit. It was whispered in boardrooms, university seminars, and foundation grant meetings. It is slow. It is patient. But it is effective.

The question is whether Americans, and particularly their leaders, will have the courage to name the problem. The stakes are not abstract. They are institutional integrity, national security, and civilizational continuity. For the Brotherhood, victory does not require tanks. It requires silence. It requires our unwillingness to speak plainly, to draw lines, to identify hostile ideologies as such.

And so we return to the memorandum. It warned us. It showed its hand. And now it is executing its strategy, step by step, as outlined over thirty years ago. Those who choose to ignore this do not merely risk being proven wrong. They risk surrendering a civilization in slow motion.