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Archive for June, 2025

The Day The Nobel Died: Obama, DEI, And The Collapse Of Merit


Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]

The Nobel Peace Prize once meant something. For most of the 20th century, it functioned as a global marker of moral achievement, an international accolade reserved for those who, through sacrifice and diplomacy, bent history toward peace. Martin Luther King Jr., Albert Schweitzer, and the International Red Cross did not receive their laurels because they looked or spoke a certain way, nor because they offered vague gestures toward hope. They earned them by altering the course of conflict and history. The same cannot be said for Barack Obama, who was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize a mere eleven days into his presidency. It is this episode, an award based not on actions but identity, not on accomplishment but anticipation, that marks the definitive DEI conquest of what was once the highest secular moral honor on Earth.

Let us be precise. Obama had done nothing when he received the prize. He had been in office for just over a week. The Norwegian Nobel Committee, in its public justification, cited his “extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples.” This, of course, refers to no act. It refers to rhetoric, a mood, a spirit, a branding. Even Obama himself admitted, rather sheepishly, that he had not “deserved” it, framing the award as a “call to action.” A call, we might add, for which there was no apparent need until the committee answered it.

Critics, including the Nobel Committee’s own former secretary, Geir Lundestad, later acknowledged the misstep. In his 2015 memoir, Lundestad admitted that the award had not achieved its goal and had instead provoked skepticism, even among Obama’s supporters. A Gallup poll taken shortly after the announcement showed that 61% of Americans believed the award was undeserved. The committee was not honoring peace, it was manufacturing it through the lens of identity and hope, two currencies central to the modern DEI movement. The prize, historically anchored in tangible outcomes, was now drifting in the subjective currents of aspirational politics.

This moment matters not just because it was absurd, but because it marked the end of the Nobel Peace Prize as a serious institution. Having crossed the Rubicon, the committee continued its descent into abstraction, symbolism, and ideological virtue-signaling. In 2012, the prize was given to the European Union, an organization beset by internal economic conflict and external border crises, and hardly a model of peace. The award prompted backlash from former laureates and European citizens alike, many of whom saw it as a nakedly political statement in support of the failing Eurozone experiment.

In 2016, the prize went to Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos for a peace deal that had just been rejected in a national referendum. In other words, the committee awarded a deal the Colombian people themselves did not want. This is no small irony. The Peace Prize, in this case, was not celebrating peace but defying democracy.

Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia received the prize in 2019 for making peace with Eritrea. But within a year, he was presiding over the brutal Tigray conflict, during which war crimes were alleged on both sides. Ahmed, once a darling of the international community, was now accused of leading one of the worst humanitarian crises of the decade. The Nobel Committee has never revoked a prize.

And why should it? It had already set the precedent in 2009, when it handed the medal to Barack Obama for the crime of being Barack Obama. A man of eloquence, yes, but also a man who presided over 563 drone strikes in non-war zones like Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia, killing as many as 807 civilians, according to the Bureau of Investigative Journalism. These operations, many of them carried out in secret, stained his presidency with a blood not easily scrubbed by lofty speeches. The expansion of America’s covert war machine under Obama further destabilized regions already on the edge and inflamed anti-American sentiment that persists today. This, too, is part of his legacy.

Consider also that Obama’s signature foreign policy promise, to close Guantanamo Bay, remained unfulfilled. His “reset” with Russia ended in Crimea leading to the current war in Ukraine. His Iran deal destabilized allies in the Middle East and funded proxy wars through Tehran’s terror tentacles. Where, then, was the peace?

Now contrast this with the latest news. On June 21, 2025, Pakistan announced its intent to nominate Donald J. Trump for the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize. The reason? His decisive intervention in a rapidly escalating military conflict between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan. The ceasefire, publicly announced by Trump on Truth Social, was achieved after 48 hours of diplomacy led by Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Vice President JD Vance. It was a real act with measurable consequences. Bloodshed was averted. Stability was restored. This was not the issuance of hope, but the application of leverage and skill.

Now let me be clear: Trump does not need the Nobel Peace Prize. But the prize needs someone like Trump if it hopes to recover a shred of its former dignity. And yet, even if he receives it, it will ring hollow. It will be a medal forged in the fires of politics, warped beyond recognition. The rot began with Obama. The Nobel Committee signaled that race and rhetoric mattered more than outcomes. And the world has noticed.

The deterioration of race relations in the United States under Obama was not a side effect, it was a consequence of his governing philosophy. His administration trafficked in the very kind of identity essentialism that DEI now canonizes. From the beer summit to the Ferguson narrative, Obama chose sides before facts emerged, casting America in a permanently racialized light. His presidency did not heal the racial divide. It institutionalized it. Today, public trust across racial lines is lower than it was in 2008. That is not peace. That is entropy.

So when Pakistan nominates Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize, the correct response is not applause, but irony. Of course he deserves it. But what does it mean anymore? When the prize went from honoring MLK’s courage to celebrating a freshman senator with no record, it forfeited its soul. When it chose political theatre over diplomatic substance, it ceased to be a reward for peace and became a prop in the global performance of progress.

If the Nobel Committee wishes to recover its relevance, it must begin again to anchor its awards in results, not ideology. The damage may be irreversible, but clarity demands the admission: Barack Obama did not deserve the Nobel Peace Prize. He never did. The committee gave it to him not despite the absence of achievement, but because of it. It was a ceremonial coronation of the DEI worldview, where appearance and aspiration eclipse record and result. In so doing, they did not elevate Obama. They buried the prize.

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Tribal Truths And Modern Myths: Why California Is Not ‘Stolen Land’


The slogan is simple, the sentiment sweeping: “No one is illegal on stolen land.” It festoons placards, hashtags, and classroom walls from Sacramento to Santa Cruz. But as with most slogans meant to end debate, this one also seeks to preclude history. It presumes that California was once peaceful, indivisible, and unjustly snatched from its rightful stewards. But history, and a robust respect for indigenous agency, tells a far more complex story, one in which conquest, conflict, diplomacy, and trade all played a part. To claim that the land was “stolen” and never rightfully acquired is not only historically inaccurate, it infantilizes the very indigenous groups it purports to defend.

California, contrary to modern myth, was never a harmonious Eden of united tribes singing songs of peace until the Spanish came ashore. The truth is that for over 12,000 years, more than 500 tribal societies occupied the region, often in brutal competition. These tribes warred incessantly over territory, trade routes, slaves, and honor. The Haida and Tlingit, although northern, share cultural practices that echoed throughout the West: the capture of slaves, the killing of rivals, the assimilation or extermination of the weak. Entire tribes were wiped from existence. Lands changed hands not once but dozens of times, often through bloodshed.

By the time Spanish missionaries arrived in the late 1700s, the number of distinct tribes had already plummeted. Epidemic disease, internecine warfare, and resource exhaustion had reduced the original 500-plus tribal entities to fewer than 100. This attrition wasn’t the result of colonial intervention but of indigenous struggle itself. The myth of the peaceful native collapses under the weight of archeological and ethnographic evidence. Tribal societies in California, like in the East, exhibited the full spectrum of human behavior: noble and cruel, artistic and violent.

Spain held California for 52 years. Mexico claimed it next, for a meager 27. Neither power treated the land as eternally sacred tribal territory. Nor did any surviving tribal leaders challenge their sovereignty in the language of permanent stewardship. When the United States acquired California in 1848 as part of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, it did so not by force but by payment: $15 million in cash and $3.25 million in assumed debt. This was not theft, it was a transaction recognized under international law.

The real moment of moral scrutiny came not with the acquisition, but with the American decision to negotiate directly with the tribes. Between 1851 and 1852, the US signed 18 treaties with the remaining major tribal entities, including the Luiseño, Cahuilla, Serrano, and Diegueño. These tribes voluntarily ceded vast territories in exchange for designated reservation lands, livestock, food, and goods. The Treaty with the Dieguino, for instance, exchanged lands for 1,800 head of beef cattle, blankets, and clothing. Critics call these treaties unjust, but if one argues the tribes were too weak or simple to make such agreements, one strips them of their dignity, their rationality, and their sovereignty.

Were these treaties honored? Some were, some weren’t. The US Senate, bowing to political pressure kept them secret for years. But despite this reality, almost all tribes retained occupancy on designated lands. By the mid-20th century, the federal government attempted to correct these injustices through the Rancheria Act of 1958, which granted property rights to approximately 3,000 California Indians, roughly 15 percent of the state’s indigenous population. These lands were not merely symbolic. They were tangible assets, capable of development, sale, and economic growth.

Today, over 30 California Rancherias operate gaming enterprises on those lands, with revenues surpassing $8 billion annually. The Morongo and San Manuel Bands have built thriving casino resorts, contributing to tribal self-sufficiency and local economies alike. These outcomes are not the fruits of a theft left unremedied but of a dynamic and evolving relationship between tribes and the federal government, one in which rights, property, and recognition have been negotiated over time.

To call California “stolen land” is to deny this history of tribal warfare, to erase the diplomatic agency of native leaders, and to ignore the billions in modern tribal wealth generated from what was once federally distributed land. Far from being a colonial crime scene frozen in amber, California has been a palimpsest of competing sovereignties for millennia. If the passage of land from one sovereign to another is theft, then history itself is a long litany of larceny, one in which every people is both victim and victor, conqueror and conquered.

But perhaps the most insidious error in the “stolen land” narrative is its condescension. It suggests that native peoples were mere pawns, helpless against the cunning of European diplomats or the guns of American soldiers. It denies them the ability to strike bargains, to fight when necessary, and to accept peace when wise. The tribes of California were many things, but they were not children. They were shrewd, adaptable, and as politically calculating as any European power.

In fact, by the time of the US acquisition, only 18 tribal entities held land of any strategic consequence. These were not distant memory-keepers of a vanished culture, they were its stewards, and they chose to parley. They chose to survive. Many have since thrived.

Land changes hands. It always has. And in California it has done so by spear and by signature, by warpath and by wagon. To insist that one particular moment in that sequence constitutes a unique and unforgivable theft is not historical analysis, it is theater. It turns an intricate history of violence, commerce, diplomacy, and adaptation into a morality play in which one side is forever villain, the other forever victim.

This is not only false. It is unjust.

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He says what everyone else is and always has been afraid to say. For others to do as he does, it would take enormous amounts of energy and courage but for Fuentes, it comes easily and naturally because truth and courage come the same way for him. Period.


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The Art Of The (Nuclear) Deal: Trump’s Final Push On Iran (and my final personal thoughts)


The White House, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Why would a president long derided as a reckless isolationist now contemplate US military intervention in the Middle East’s most volatile conflict? For those who have mistaken Donald J. Trump’s strategic instincts for impulsive belligerence, the answer may surprise them. He is not preparing to start a war. He is attempting to end one, the slow, silent war over Iran‘s nuclear ambitions, on terms favorable to the United States, and ultimately, to peace itself.

To understand what Trump is doing, one must understand what he values: results. The aim is not perpetual conflict but lasting leverage. He has long demonstrated an aversion to endless wars, having resisted escalations in Syria and Afghanistan, pulled out of the Obama-era Iran nuclear deal in 2018, and brokered the Abraham Accords, a seismic shift in Middle Eastern diplomacy that eluded his predecessors for decades. His track record is that of a president who prefers peace but understands that peace is rarely won by appeasement.

Now, with Iran reeling from devastating Israeli strikes and its nuclear infrastructure reduced to rubble, Trump is positioning the United States not as an aggressor, but as the final arbiter. He is offering Tehran a choice: deal or doom. And to make that choice real, he is doing what the left-leaning press and even some of his MAGA supporters refuse to countenance, he is showing strength. Real, credible, force-backed strength.

Iran’s current situation is bleak. On June 13, 2025, Israel launched a barrage of coordinated strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, crippling deep underground enrichment sites once thought impervious to attack. Command and control infrastructure was obliterated. High-ranking Iranian Revolutionary Guard commanders and nuclear scientists have either been killed or vanished. Iranian airspace, once defended with Soviet-era zeal, is now exposed. And the economy, battered by decades of sanctions and internal mismanagement, is gasping for breath.

Yet Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, has rejected overtures. Despite Trump’s letter in March warning of severe consequences if no nuclear deal was reached, and despite a promising round of negotiations in April and May where Iran indicated a willingness to limit enrichment, the regime chose pride over prudence. It spurned the opportunity. It gambled that Trump, unlike Israel, would blink.

But this is not a president known for blinking. When Trump issued his two-week ultimatum, he was not setting a military timetable but a diplomatic countdown. The real clock is psychological, not operational. It is meant to signal resolve, to induce panic among the Iranian elite, to tempt the regime with visions of economic revival, foreign investment, and legitimacy, if only they renounce their nuclear aspirations. In short, it is vintage Trump: maximal pressure, minimal risk.

It is worth recalling that Trump has used this script before. In 2017, he threatened North Korea with “fire and fury,” only to become the first US president to set foot in the Hermit Kingdom. In 2019, he called off a retaliatory strike on Iran just minutes before launch, not because he feared conflict but because he calculated that escalation would forfeit future leverage. The current Iran strategy follows the same logic. Military power is not an end. It is a means of forcing a decision.

To the casual observer, Trump’s rhetoric, calling for Iran’s “unconditional surrender” and hinting at US control over Iranian skies, may sound like bluster. But to the trained eye, it is clear what he is doing. He is co-opting the expectations of the neoconservatives and Israeli hawks who have long pushed for war. By standing beside them rhetorically, he magnifies the threat to Tehran. Yet he remains fundamentally independent of them. He is not interested in a regional occupation, nor in endless entanglements. He is interested in Iran choosing survival over martyrdom.

Critics, particularly in the press, have misread his approach as reckless brinkmanship. They argue that threatening war only invites escalation. But they miss the essential logic of deterrence. To deter, one must be seen as willing to act. Promising restraint in advance neuters leverage. Telling adversaries you will never strike is not peacekeeping, it is preemptive surrender. Trump, unlike his predecessors, understands that.

Of course, there is risk. There always is. If Iran strikes US troops or assets, and there have already been rumblings of such intent, Trump will respond decisively. But that would be a reaction, not a choice. His posture is calibrated: avoid war if possible, win quickly if not. The red line is American blood, not Israeli. In this way, Trump avoids the neocon trap of fighting other nations’ wars. But he remains unafraid to fight when American lives are endangered.

It is also important to consider the internal dynamics in Tehran. Khamenei is aging. The regime’s legitimacy is fragile. Young Iranians are disillusioned. The economic pain is severe. In this context, Trump’s offer of sanctions relief and investment carries more weight than the mullahs care to admit. The threat of bunker-buster bombs may target their nuclear sites, but the real strike is psychological. The regime’s very survival is at stake. The promise of reprieve, if they capitulate, is real.

To critics on the right who worry that Trump is being lured into a neocon war, I would ask this: has he not shown, time and again, a disdain for that trap? His entire presidency has been a repudiation of the Bush-era foreign policy consensus. He does not seek to reshape Iran in America’s image, only to make sure Iran cannot threaten us or our allies with nuclear blackmail. That is a realist goal, not a Wilsonian one.

And to those on the left who claim that Trump is sabotaging diplomacy with saber-rattling, the question is: what diplomacy? The previous deal enriched Iran while delaying the inevitable. It relied on unverifiable promises and blind faith. Trump’s diplomacy is different. It is transactional, verifiable, and backed by force. It may offend elite sensibilities, but it has the merit of clarity.

The current moment is thus not a rush to war but a rare opportunity for resolution. Iran is weak, isolated, and cornered. The US, under Trump, is strong, resolute, and clear-eyed. The two-week window is not a countdown to bombs, it is a countdown to a deal, a better one, on our terms. The real danger lies not in Trump’s threats, but in the possibility that Iran fails to understand he means them.

My final thoughts. My personal thinking is also that Netanyahu has for the past 20 plus years been manipulating the US into Middle East Wars for its own devices, wanting to take control over the Muslim states while Israel has in total years, manipulated US presidencies for 70+ years. The US helping take out Iran will push for other Muslim, Chinese and Russian actors to bear down against the US ‘bully’. Iran closing in on nuclear weapon fears have been going on for over 20 years without those trepidations materializing, but now that Israel has led a preemptive strike against their top leaders and possible damage to some centrifuges in the process, Netanyahu’s act does nothing but support Iran for wanting nuclear options and that is directly because of Israel’s latest actions. There is an extreme danger to this entire situation, and it has been forced upon this current cabinet by Netanyahu. I see nothing good coming out of this if the US helps reduce Iran, thereby giving Netanyahu everything he’s been wanting over the Middle East for the past 20+ years. The state of Israel has been too embedded in this country ever since its founding.

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Linda McMahon just delivered crushing news to New York officials who tried to erase this piece of American history. ’bout time!


Sanit Fuangnakhon via Shutterstock

The woke Left has been trying to cancel American history for years.

But they picked the wrong fight this time.

And Linda McMahon just delivered crushing news to New York officials who tried to erase this piece of American history.

New York officials get slammed for discriminatory mascot ban

The battle over the Massapequa High School Chiefs mascot has been raging for months.

New York’s Board of Regents tried to force the Long Island school district to dump its longtime mascot because it was supposedly offensive to Native Americans.

But the federal government just stepped in with a bombshell ruling that has New York education officials scrambling.

Secretary of Education Linda McMahon announced that her department is referring the case to the Department of Justice for enforcement action.

The move comes after New York state officials rejected a settlement agreement that would have brought them into compliance with federal civil rights law.

“Both the New York Department of Education and the Board of Regents violated federal antidiscrimination law and disrespected the people of Massapequa by implementing an absurd policy: prohibiting the use of Native American mascots while allowing mascots derived from European national origin,” said U.S. Secretary of Education Linda McMahon.

McMahon didn’t pull any punches in her criticism of New York’s selective enforcement.

The Department of Education found that New York violated Title VI of the Civil Rights Act by banning Native American mascots while allowing other schools to keep mascots like the “Dutchmen” and “Huguenots.”

That’s discrimination pure and simple.

Federal investigation exposes New York’s hypocrisy

The Office for Civil Rights opened its investigation into New York’s mascot policy back in April.

What they found was a textbook case of government overreach and selective discrimination.

New York officials were perfectly fine with mascots that celebrated European heritage.

But when it came to honoring Native American culture and history, suddenly they had a problem.

McMahon visited Massapequa High School in May to announce the results of the federal investigation.

The Trump administration wasn’t going to let New York get away with this discriminatory double standard.

“We will not allow New York state to silence the voices of Native Americans, and discriminatorily choose which history is acceptable to promote or erase,” said U.S. Secretary of Education Linda McMahon.

The federal government offered New York a way out through a Resolution Agreement.

All the state had to do was rescind its ban on Native American mascots and issue an apology to Indigenous tribes.

New York officials turned it down flat.

New York doubles down on discrimination

New York’s refusal to accept the federal settlement shows just how committed they are to their woke agenda.

Even when faced with a clear violation of civil rights law, they’d rather fight it out in court than admit they were wrong.

The Office for Civil Rights gave New York officials 10 days to accept the Resolution Agreement or face referral to the Department of Justice.

They rejected it not once, but twice.

Now the Department of Justice will have to step in and force New York to comply with federal law.

This case perfectly illustrates the Left’s twisted approach to “protecting” minority groups.

They claim to care about Native Americans while simultaneously trying to erase their history and culture from public view.

Meanwhile, they have no problem with mascots that honor – or stereotype – other ethnic groups.

It’s selective outrage at its worst.

The real issue: government overreach vs. local control

The Massapequa Chiefs controversy highlights a much bigger problem with government bureaucrats trying to impose their values on local communities.

The people of Massapequa didn’t ask New York state officials to change their mascot.

This was a top-down mandate from Albany politicians who think they know better than the local community.

School mascots should be decided by the people who actually attend those schools and live in those communities.

Not by bureaucrats in the state capital who are pushing a political agenda.

The federal government’s intervention in this case sends a clear message that discrimination won’t be tolerated, even when it’s dressed up as progressive politics.

Linda McMahon and the Trump administration are standing up for the principle that all cultures and histories deserve equal treatment under the law.

New York’s mascot ban was never about protecting Native Americans.

It was about advancing a woke agenda that seeks to erase certain parts of American history while celebrating others.

What happens next

Now that the case has been referred to the Department of Justice, New York will face federal enforcement action.

The state could lose federal education funding if it continues to violate civil rights law.

That would be a costly mistake for New York taxpayers.

The Department of Justice has the authority to file a lawsuit against New York to force compliance with Title VI.

Federal courts don’t look kindly on government entities that discriminate based on race or national origin.

New York officials would be wise to reconsider their position before this gets even more expensive.

The Massapequa Chiefs case could set an important precedent for similar disputes across the country.

Other states that have tried to ban Native American mascots while allowing others might want to take a close look at their policies.

Selective enforcement of mascot bans based on the ethnic origin of the name or symbol is discrimination, plain and simple.

The federal government won’t stand for it under the Trump administration.

This is what happens when woke politics collides with civil rights law.

The law and truth win every time.

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The Ideological Aim Of Juneteenth Was To Replace The Fourth Of July


Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]

Let us begin with a simple proposition: a nation that loses grip on historical truth will soon lose the very liberty it claims to defend. In the case of Juneteenth, the official narrative peddled by government institutions and media organs insists that June 19, 1865, marked the end of slavery in the United States. It did not. The same narrative suggests that slaves in Galveston, Texas, were ignorant of their freedom until Union General Gordon Granger arrived and read General Order No. 3 from a balcony. That too is false.

So, why the deception? Why enshrine a historical inaccuracy into federal law, complete with flags, hashtags, and official observances? The answer lies not in a celebration of liberty, but in its quiet replacement. Juneteenth, far from being a spontaneous commemoration of emancipation, is a politically engineered holiday whose true function is to decenter the Fourth of July, recast the American Founding as a fraud, and promote a new narrative steeped not in liberty, but in grievance. At bottom, Juneteenth is not about celebrating the end of slavery. It is about reinterpreting the American project itself.

Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]

To understand why, we must begin by clarifying the two foundational myths upon which Juneteenth rests.

First, it is not true that the enslaved people of Galveston only discovered they were free on June 19, 1865. Historical evidence clearly demonstrates that the Emancipation Proclamation was published widely in Texas newspapers, including the Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph as early as February 2, 1863. Galveston, a major port city, had direct access to this information. Moreover, slave narratives collected by the Works Progress Administration confirm that news traveled fast among the enslaved. Felix Haywood, a former slave from Texas, remembered vividly, “Oh, we knowed what was goin’ on in it all the time… We had papers in dem days jus’ like now.” Slaves did not live in informational quarantine.

Second, and more damning, is the simple historical fact that slavery did not end on June 19, 1865. That date marks the enforcement of the Emancipation Proclamation in Texas, and only in Texas. Slavery persisted in Union-loyal states such as Delaware and Kentucky for nearly six more months. On June 19, 1865, over 227,000 Americans remained legally enslaved. Not until the ratification of the 13th Amendment on December 6, 1865, were those people truly and legally freed. If one were seeking a holiday to commemorate the end of slavery in America, December 6 would be the logical choice. Yet Juneteenth was chosen. Why?

To answer that question, one must consider the architects of Juneteenth’s national elevation. The push to federalize the holiday accelerated in the wake of the George Floyd riots of 2020, a period marked not by unity but by division, not by historical celebration but by symbolic iconoclasm. Statues of Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln were defaced or toppled. The American flag itself was reimagined by progressive activists as a symbol of systemic oppression. In that context, Juneteenth became useful not as a historical commemoration, but as a cultural replacement, a new moral center.

To be clear, there is nothing inherently wrong with commemorating emancipation. But Juneteenth does not do this honestly. Instead, it inserts a deliberately misleading narrative into the American consciousness, one that suggests slavery ended not through constitutional means, not through war and statesmanship, but through a lone Union general bringing news to an isolated group of ignorant slaves. It recasts emancipation not as the culmination of the American project, but as a necessary correction to its founding. In doing so, it subtly poisons the well of American civic pride.

The mainstream media’s repeated claim that Juneteenth marked the end of slavery in America is not just mistaken, it is irresponsible. Worse, it reveals an underlying ideological motive. If the Fourth of July celebrates the birth of a nation founded on liberty, Juneteenth is fast becoming its foil, a holiday that implies that liberty was a lie, that 1776 was hypocrisy incarnate, and that true justice only arrived by federal bayonet in Galveston. Such framing is not merely revisionist; it is revolutionary.

Cultural Marxism is often derided as a conspiratorial term, but the essence of the critique is straightforward. In place of economic revolution, it promotes cultural revolution: dismantling Western traditions, symbols, and moral narratives to clear the way for a new social order. Juneteenth fits neatly within this paradigm. It is not an apolitical holiday. It is an ideological tool, useful for reframing American identity around victimhood and systemic injustice.

If this seems harsh, consider the coordinated media campaign surrounding Juneteenth. NPR, PBS, and the New York Times have all run pieces uncritically parroting the falsehood that June 19 marked the end of slavery in the US. School curricula increasingly highlight Juneteenth while diminishing Independence Day. Government offices fly the Juneteenth flag, a symbol that didn’t exist two decades ago, with greater enthusiasm than they display the American flag. Even corporations like Amazon and Nike promote Juneteenth with the kind of vigor once reserved for the Fourth of July. None of this is accidental.

The effect, intentional or not, is to suggest that the real America began not in 1776 with the Declaration of Independence, but in 1865, at the end of slavery. This is the same conceptual pivot that underlies the New York Times’ 1619 Project, which argues that America’s true founding began with the arrival of the first slaves, not the drafting of the Constitution. That project, like Juneteenth, seeks to invert the American story: liberty becomes accidental, oppression becomes essential.

There is a revealing story about how Donald Trump first encountered the push for Juneteenth as a national holiday. In 2020, during the planning of a campaign rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma, originally scheduled for June 19, Trump was unaware of the date’s political and cultural significance. A Black Secret Service agent informed him of the controversy, explaining the nature of Juneteenth and why activists were pushing its prominence. Trump promptly rescheduled the rally to June 20, citing respect for the holiday. He later quipped that he had made Juneteenth “very famous” by drawing national attention to it. Far from resisting its elevation, Trump was initially unaware of the ideological momentum behind it, which only underscores how rapidly the holiday was weaponized by political elites to rewrite national symbolism. When Juneteenth became a federal holiday in 2021, it was not because the public demanded it, but because the political class saw its utility in reframing the American narrative.

The irony is that the true story of American emancipation is one of triumph: a brutal war fought to extend the promise of the Declaration to all citizens. Lincoln understood this. So did Frederick Douglass. So did the men who fought and died at Gettysburg. That story deserves honor. But Juneteenth does not tell it. Instead, it substitutes a fable: a handful of slaves in a remote part of Texas learning, belatedly and for the first time, that they were free. It’s a compelling story, but it is not history.

A better holiday might be “December Sixth,” marking the actual legal end of slavery. It would anchor emancipation in the text of the Constitution rather than the dramatic flourish of a Union general’s order. But such a holiday would not serve the ideological purpose Juneteenth now fulfills. It would point us back to the genius of the Founding and the fulfillment of its promises, not away from it.

Juneteenth, as currently framed, is a myth masquerading as a milestone. It deserves scrutiny, not sanctification. For history’s sake, and liberty’s, we must insist on truth.

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When the Riot Bill Comes Due: Democrat Cities Face Federal Funding Freeze And The Hurt Begins


When the Riot Bill Comes Due: Democrat Cities Face Federal Funding Freeze

Like a long-overdue invoice finally landing on the doorstep, the consequences for months of anti-ICE chaos are about to hit where it hurts most: the wallet. While Democrat mayors have spent weeks grandstanding against federal immigration enforcement, playing to their progressive base with fiery rhetoric about “resistance,” a different kind of reckoning has been quietly brewing in Washington.

The riots that erupted across Los Angeles and spread to other major cities weren’t just spontaneous outbursts of anger—they were calculated political theater. And let me tell you, watching these mayors orchestrate resistance while their cities burned was something to behold. As ICE operations successfully rounded up violent criminals including child molesters, murderers, and drug dealers, Democrat-controlled cities responded not with gratitude for removing dangerous predators from their streets, but with organized resistance.

Chicago’s Mayor Brandon Johnson called ICE raids “terrorism” and claimed Trump’s America looks like “the Confederacy won.” California Governor Gavin Newsom continues his defiant posturing, refusing meaningful cooperation with federal authorities.

But here’s what these political grandstanders apparently forgot: their cities don’t operate in a vacuum. Federal dollars flow through every major infrastructure project, every highway repair, every bridge renovation. And those dollars come with strings attached—strings that are about to be pulled tight.

Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy just delivered the news that should have every city budget director reaching for the antacids:

From Breitbart:
The USDOT will NOT fund rogue state actors who refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement. And to cities that stand by while rioters destroy transportation infrastructure — don’t expect a red cent from DOT, either. Follow the law, or forfeit the funding.

This isn’t an empty threat or political posturing. Duffy has already demonstrated his willingness to use federal funding as leverage, previously warning that states giving driver’s licenses to illegal immigrants or maintaining DEI policies would lose transportation dollars. The difference now is the scale and urgency—major cities that have become synonymous with anti-ICE resistance are staring down the barrel of massive funding cuts.

Let me get this straight: cities that allowed rioters to destroy their own infrastructure while protecting criminals from deportation now want federal taxpayers to foot the repair bill? Los Angeles, which watched protesters wave Mexican flags while chanting about ICE, expects American citizens from Kansas and Alabama to pay for fixing their self-inflicted damage. It’s a level of audacity that would be impressive if it weren’t so infuriating.

The contrast between mayors tells the real story here. New York’s Eric Adams, despite his Democrat credentials, has instructed the NYPD not to interfere with ICE operations, telling reporters that protesters blocking federal authorities “is not going to happen in the city.” Meanwhile, Johnson and Newsom double down on their resistance theater, apparently believing their political posturing is worth more than the billions in federal transportation funding their constituents depend on.

What I find most satisfying about this approach is its elegant simplicity. No dramatic confrontations, no constitutional crises—just the quiet enforcement of a basic principle that conservatives have always understood: if you want the benefits of the system, you have to follow the rules of the system. Actions, as they say, have consequences. And for America’s most defiant cities, those consequences are about to become very real and very expensive indeed.

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What Bluesky Reveals About Progressive Intolerance


Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]

The collapse of viewpoint diversity on Bluesky is neither a fluke nor a recent regression. It is, rather, the predictable consequence of importing the cultural logic of elite academia, progressive journalism, and activist politics into a digital commons. What has emerged is not a neutral platform but a curated ideological enclave, a gated garden of enforced agreement. Far from modeling a healthy democratic discourse, Bluesky illustrates what happens when the infrastructure of debate is subordinated to the politics of purity.

Consider the origin story. Bluesky launched as a decentralization project initiated under Jack Dorsey, its purpose ostensibly noble: to build a more open, federated alternative to Twitter. But the timing of its mass adoption tells the real story. Following Elon Musk‘s acquisition of Twitter in late 2022, and the subsequent rollback of opaque censorship mechanisms that had disproportionately silenced conservatives, there was a liberal exodus. The appeal of Bluesky was never just technical. It was ideological. It became the place to be not because it offered better features or user interface, but because it offered a perceived reprieve from heterodoxy.

The stampede began in earnest after Trump’s reelection in November 2024. For many progressives, his return to power signaled not merely a political loss, but an existential crisis. Twitter, now X, had ceased to be the enforcement arm of consensus. What followed was a migration from a newly pluralistic platform to one where progressive assumptions remained unchallenged. Bluesky’s user base exploded from around 10 million in fall 2024 to over 35 million by spring 2025, most of whom, according to Pew and Business Insider, self-identified as left-of-center.

This demographic uniformity seeded the platform’s rapid ideological calcification. The environment quickly began to mimic the echo chambers of elite universities and major newsrooms. These institutions, as numerous studies show, already suffer from significant ideological skew. For instance, a 2023 Harvard survey found that more than 77 percent of its faculty identified as liberal, with just 2 percent identifying as conservative. FIRE’s 2024 national faculty survey revealed that 71 percent of professors believed a liberal colleague would “fit in” well in their department, while only 20 percent thought the same of a conservative one. Within such ecosystems, dissent becomes not only discouraged but pathologized.

Bluesky followed this trajectory with unsettling speed. Moderation policies and cultural norms effectively deputized users to enforce orthodoxy. Moderates were hounded, centrists were ignored, conservatives were banned. According to Newsweek and Politico, even users who aligned with 90 percent of the prevailing progressive views found themselves castigated for voicing a solitary note of dissent. What ensued was not dialogue but ideological inquisition.

Mark Cuban‘s disillusionment captures the dynamic in miniature. The billionaire investor joined Bluesky in November 2024 with the hopeful salutation, “Hello Less Hateful World.” By June 2025, he had reversed course. In a series of withering posts, Cuban described the atmosphere as toxic, dominated by users who weaponized moral language to silence disagreement. “Even if you agree with 95%,” he lamented, “if there is one point you question, they will call you a fascist.”

His criticism was not mere anecdote. It echoed a growing body of observations suggesting that Bluesky had become a “progressive bubble,” as the Washington Post phrased it, in which dissent invited mobbing and orthodoxy earned applause. That Cuban had financially backed a Bluesky-related application made his reversal all the more telling. Investment did not buy insulation from the inquisition.

Even on apolitical fronts, the consequences of this atmosphere were stifling. A Wharton professor researching artificial intelligence publicly announced his retreat from the platform after finding that any deviation from prevailing opinion, even on purely technical issues, elicited disproportionate backlash. The logic of purity had metastasized beyond politics, suffocating any form of nuanced discourse.

The irony is that while Bluesky was degenerating into a speech cartel, X was recovering. Despite breathless predictions of collapse, Elon Musk’s platform saw both advertiser return and user stability. As of early 2025, X boasted roughly 600 million monthly active users, with around 250 million logging in daily. According to Reuters and Finance Yahoo, ad revenue was projected to grow 17.5 percent in the US and 16.5 percent globally this year, reversing the post-boycott slump. The platform, now dominated by a rough parity of liberals and conservatives, had not devolved into chaos. It had become messy, yes, but it was free. And freedom, though often cacophonous, is what sustains democratic legitimacy.

Bluesky is what happens when speech is subordinated to civility. Or rather, when civility is used as a cudgel to enforce ideological conformity. The results mirror what we’ve seen in other progressive-dominated institutions. At The New York Times, dissenting editors like Bari Weiss resigned under pressure from internal cliques that policed language and punished transgression. At MSNBC, overt progressive bias has long eclipsed any pretense of ideological balance. Bluesky, built from the same cultural DNA, could not escape the same fate.

In fact, it amplifies it. For while a university campus is limited by geography and accreditation, and a media outlet by reputation and ratings, a social network like Bluesky can evolve into a micro-totalitarian regime in real time. There are no checks, no institutional constraints, no internal ombudsman. The result is the swift descent into purity spirals. Each user competes to be more righteous than the last. Each deviation, no matter how slight, is met with exaggerated condemnation.

To be clear, the problem is not that Bluesky is full of liberals. The problem is that it institutionalizes liberalism as an orthodoxy and punishes deviation, particularly deviation from within its own ranks. The right is not merely excluded, it is dehumanized, rendered so beyond the pale that any conservative presence is swiftly purged without ceremony. Yet the irony is that the most brutal penalties are reserved not for the outsider, but for the insufficiently orthodox insider. This is the slippery slope of ideological purity: disagreement from the right is unthinkable, while dissent from the left is treated as betrayal. In a healthy liberal democracy, disagreement is a feature, not a flaw. But Bluesky’s culture treats disagreement, even among liberals themselves, as an existential threat. That is the mark not of an open society but of an ideological sect.

One might argue that users self-select into platforms and that like-minded communities are inevitable. But this misses the deeper point. What Bluesky reveals is not merely digital tribalism, but a creeping authoritarianism within the cultural left. When faced with pluralism, this faction prefers segregation. When exposed to disagreement, it demands removal. This same instinct has crept into institutional politics, where Democrats have increasingly abandoned democratic norms in the name of saving democracy itself. They changed party rules to retroactively invalidate David Hogg’s election as Vice Chair of the DNC after realizing he might challenge the status quo. They denied Democratic delegates any choice by mandating a vote for Kamala Harris alone, with no write-ins or alternatives permitted. And they cheered on state-level efforts to keep Donald Trump off the ballot entirely, not through electoral means but by weaponizing bureaucratic technicalities. Bluesky, in this light, is not an outlier but a symptom. It does not want to compete in the marketplace of ideas; it wants to monopolize it.

This explains why, paradoxically, Bluesky’s rapid growth has not translated into cultural relevance. Despite an initial ballooning user base, its influence wanes because its ecosystem is self-limiting. The platform has begun shedding active users, and those who remain are posting with diminishing frequency. What is there left to talk about? You either agree or you are kicked out. There is no room for disagreement, so there is no reason for discussion. Echo chambers do not produce innovation. They produce repetition. And repetition, even when loud, cannot compete with the chaotic energy of a truly open forum.

Bluesky is the canary in the coal mine, signaling what digital speech looks like under progressive orthodoxy: aesthetically sleek, rhetorically inclusive, and intellectually inert. It functions not as a public square, but as a chapel of ideological conformity, complete with rituals of cancellation and catechisms of belief. Its growth is not a testament to its health, but to the deep yearning among many on the left to avoid disagreement at any cost.

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Free Speech On Trial: X Corp. Vs. Letitia James


Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]

The recent lawsuit filed by X Corp against New York‘s Stop Hiding Hate Act is not merely a corporate tantrum over regulatory friction. It is, rather, a constitutional litmus test: Can the state compel a private media platform to speak? And more precisely, can it compel that speech in a format and on topics it deems urgent, namely, hate speech, misinformation, extremism, and other politically volatile categories, without violating the First Amendment?

The answer, both doctrinally and philosophically, is no. Not if we take our constitutional commitments seriously. Not if we believe in a press that is free not merely to report, but to decline to report. Not if we recall that a regime which mandates orthodoxy is functionally indistinguishable from one that punishes dissent. To compel speech is to conscript conscience, and in the digital agora of social media, the stakes for freedom of editorial judgment could hardly be higher.

The First Amendment, robustly construed, protects not only the right to speak, but the right not to speak. That protection is no less vital for corporate speakers than for individuals. In West Virginia v. Barnette, the Court affirmed this principle unambiguously: The state cannot compel an individual to salute the flag or recite its creed. Why? Because the very act of compulsion transforms opinion into obedience, conscience into compliance. What applies to schoolchildren surely applies to modern publishers.

New York’s Stop Hiding Hate Act runs afoul of this principle by requiring large social media platforms to disclose their content moderation policies and practices, specifically regarding “hate speech,” “misinformation,” and similar categories. The state’s rationale is couched in noble rhetoric: transparency, accountability, democracy. But the effect, and indeed the intent, is to conscript editorial judgment. It commands platforms to articulate their policies in state-approved terms, to issue periodic reports on state-specified topics, and to do so under the threat of $15,000-per-day penalties.

That is compelled speech, and compelled speech on matters of contested opinion. What counts as “misinformation” today may be conventional wisdom tomorrow. What is labeled “hate speech” often reflects the moral intuitions of cultural elites rather than objective legal categories. To force a platform like X to define, report on, and implicitly denounce such categories is to force a particular viewpoint, to transform a speaker into a conduit for the state’s ideological agenda.

The Supreme Court has been consistently wary of such state overreach. In Miami Herald v. Tornillo, the Court struck down a Florida law requiring newspapers to give equal space to political candidates they criticized. Even though the law aimed at fairness, the Court recognized it for what it was: a form of compelled speech that intruded on editorial discretion. The choice of what to publish, and what to withhold, is part of what makes a speaker free.

The same logic animates more recent decisions. In National Institute of Family & Life Advocates v. Becerra, the Court invalidated California’s attempt to force pro-life pregnancy centers to advertise abortion services. The law was struck down not because the information was false, but because it compelled speakers to convey messages they found objectionable.

New York’s law suffers from the same defect. It does not merely ask platforms to be clear about their terms of service. It demands that they speak in a particular voice, about particular topics, in a state-sanctioned format. That is not regulation of conduct; it is regulation of speech. And it is presumptively unconstitutional.

The Ninth Circuit reached precisely this conclusion in X Corp v. Bonta, a case challenging California’s nearly identical transparency law, AB 587. That court found the law unconstitutional on its face, noting that the compelled disclosures were non-commercial speech on deeply controversial topics, triggering strict scrutiny. The state failed that scrutiny because there were less intrusive means to achieve its goals, and because the law’s real aim appeared to be ideological enforcement, not mere transparency.

The Stop Hiding Hate Act is, if anything, worse. Where California’s law was relatively restrained, New York’s law comes armed with sharper teeth: higher penalties, broader categories, and a clear animus against X Corp’s editorial philosophy. Governor Kathy Hochul and Attorney General Letitia James have publicly criticized Elon Musk‘s management of X, decrying what they see as an irresponsible tolerance for hate and extremism. But if that is the state’s concern, its remedy must be speech of its own, not coercion of others.

Viewpoint neutrality is a bedrock requirement of any law that touches expression. In R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, the Court struck down a hate speech ordinance because it punished speech based on viewpoint. The government may not pick sides in the marketplace of ideas, nor may it burden one side of a debate because it finds its views distasteful. Yet that is precisely what the Stop Hiding Hate Act does. By mandating reporting only on negative categories of speech, hate, extremism, misinformation, it sends a clear message: Platforms must account for their failure to suppress ideas the state disfavors.

This is not a hypothetical concern. Judicial analysis of New York’s earlier Hateful Conduct Law found the same flaw. In Volokh v. James, Judge Andrew Carter enjoined enforcement of that law, finding that it compelled speech and chilled protected expression. The parallels to the current statute are striking, and the constitutional defects just as fatal.

Defenders of the law argue that social media companies are different. They are not publishers, they say, but infrastructure. Carriers. Utilities. That argument fails both as a matter of law and logic. The Supreme Court has repeatedly held that platforms exercise editorial discretion, and are thus speakers. In Reno v. ACLU, the Court treated the internet as a medium deserving of full First Amendment protection. And in NetChoice v. Moody, the Eleventh Circuit recognized that content moderation decisions are expressive acts, entitled to constitutional safeguards.

Moreover, the compelled disclosures in question are not neutral. They do not merely report numerical data or objective facts. They require platforms to explain how they define “hate,” how they identify “misinformation,” and what policies they have to remove or mitigate such content. These are ideological questions, not technical ones. To answer them is to express a worldview.

The editorial freedom of platforms is also essential to the integrity of the digital public square. Just as newspapers decide which op-eds to publish and which letters to discard, platforms decide which voices to elevate and which to suppress. Their choices shape public discourse, for better or worse. But those choices must remain theirs. If the government can dictate how they define controversial categories of speech, it can eventually dictate whom they must ban, what they must delete, and what they must feature.

And what of Section 230? Though not directly at issue in this case, the spirit of that provision underscores a broader point: Congress has long understood that platforms need leeway to moderate content without fear of liability. New York’s law, while framed as a disclosure regime, indirectly penalizes moderation choices by turning them into targets for state scrutiny. That functionally contradicts the federal policy of encouraging free and diverse platforms.

This is not to say that platforms bear no responsibility. X Corp, like any publisher, is accountable to its users, its advertisers, and the public. But that accountability must be exercised through the voluntary mechanisms of the market, not the coercive arm of the state. The state can speak, advocate, and condemn. It can encourage platforms to do better. But it cannot force them to explain their decisions in its own preferred terms.

We must also attend to the dangers of precedent. Today, New York compels speech about hate and disinformation. Tomorrow, a different state may compel speech about patriotism, election integrity, or gender ideology. Once we allow government to mandate ideological reporting, the slope becomes not only slippery but unavoidable. The protection of editorial discretion, even for unpopular or eccentric platforms, is the bulwark against state orthodoxy.

In sum, the Stop Hiding Hate Act violates the First Amendment by compelling speech, intruding on editorial discretion, and discriminating based on viewpoint. It is neither narrowly tailored nor supported by a compelling interest that cannot be pursued through less invasive means. The law’s defects are legal, philosophical, and practical.

X Corp’s challenge to the Act, then, is not merely defensible, it is necessary. If we value the principle that the government cannot dictate what private speakers say, or how they say it, we must defend it when it is tested. That principle, like speech itself, must be protected not only in easy cases, but especially in hard ones.

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The Static Fallacy Of The CBO And The Virtue Of Growth


Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]

The Federal Reserve‘s data repository, FRED, presents one of the most quietly subversive truths in modern economics. Across administrations, tax regimes, and political ideologies, federal tax receipts have hovered around an average of 17.5% of GDP. This single metric, consistent across time and policy, should provoke a complete reconsideration of fiscal strategy. If no matter how high or low tax rates go, the government captures roughly 17.5% of the economy, then the only sane objective is to grow the economy. This is not ideology, it is arithmetic.

And yet, the progressive left persists in chasing higher tax rates, even as history and hard data render the strategy self-defeating. Why? Because for the modern progressive, revenue is not the end. It is the excuse. The aim is not to feed the treasury, but to reshape society. That makes tax policy less a tool of statecraft than a weapon of social reengineering.

This is not speculation, it is doctrine. Consider the words of Denis Healey, the British Labour Chancellor, who once promised to tax the rich “until the pips squeak.” The goal was not productivity or revenue, it was punishment. Redistribution as retribution. What mattered was not how much government could collect but how much it could confiscate from those it resented. The modern American progressive inherits this moral absolutism: high taxes are right, low taxes are wrong, and results be damned.

Yet the results do matter, especially when judged by the very standard progressives claim to uphold: the public good. Empirical evidence from FRED undermines their moralizing. The US government, regardless of tax rate, collects about 17.5% of GDP. If rates go up and GDP slows, the government collects less. If rates go down and GDP grows, it collects more. In real terms, the size of the pie matters more than the size of the slice.

This is the heart of supply-side logic. It is also the lesson ignored by static modeling agencies like the Congressional Budget Office. The CBO consistently underestimates the growth impact of tax and regulatory reforms. When Trump’s 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act passed, the CBO predicted modest effects. Instead, GDP growth surged to 2.9% in 2018, well above forecast. Capital investment jumped, business confidence soared, and tax receipts increased. It wasn’t magic. It was motion.

The same fallacy mars the CBO’s score of Trump’s latest initiative, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Projecting a paltry 1.7% long-term growth rate, the CBO forecasts a $3.8 trillion increase in debt. But a growth rate of just 2.2% cuts that shortfall by more than a trillion. A 2.7% growth rate nearly wipes it out. Add in the revenue from Trump’s reciprocal tariffs, conservatively estimated at $2.3 to $3.3 trillion over a decade, and the fiscal picture flips from deficit to surplus. The math is not fuzzy, it is just inconvenient for the central planners.

Why does the CBO get it wrong? Because its models assume a static world, where tax cuts are giveaways and regulation is costless. This is Keynesian nostalgia dressed in academic robes. It denies incentives, discounts dynamism, and assumes the private sector merely reacts rather than innovates. That intellectual blindness is no accident. Most CBO directors have never built a business or managed payroll; instead, they are drawn from the ivy-covered halls of Harvard and Princeton, trained in theory but untethered from enterprise. Trump’s economic team does not share these illusions. Neither should the American people.

The Trump agenda focuses on unleashing growth: simplifying permitting for nuclear energy and pipelines, accelerating drug approvals, expanding domestic mining and drilling, and building AI infrastructure without bureaucratic drag. Each policy removes a bottleneck, and in doing so, expands the tax base. Yet the CBO ignores all of this. It includes no measure for the acceleration of permitting, no accounting for regulatory relief across entire industries, no projection of the increased oil and gas exploration, production, or refining, and no scoring for the trillions in foreign direct investment secured by Trump. Why not? Because it cannot model the real-world effects of policies it ideologically opposes. If FRED is right, and it is, then unleashing GDP is the only serious strategy. Everything else is political theater.

This is where the progressive project reveals its true priorities. It is not simply wrong about tax policy. It is hostile to economic growth. Because growth reduces dependency, and dependency is their currency of power. A larger GDP gives people more autonomy. That undermines the case for state intervention. Progressives, despite their rhetoric, do not trust people to live freely and prosper. They trust themselves to allocate resources, distribute privileges, and engineer outcomes. Higher taxes are the toll they place on that liberty.

Redistribution is also their electoral strategy. By taxing a demonized few, they buy votes from a politicized many. Student loan forgiveness, rent subsidies, welfare expansions, these are not programs, they are payoffs. That the math does not work is irrelevant. What matters is that the bill arrives after the election.

Even worse, high taxes empower the permanent bureaucracy. A complex tax code justifies an army of IRS agents, compliance officers, and lobbyists. These are not mechanisms for revenue, they are instruments of control. Simpler, lower taxes threaten their sinecures. They resist simplification not out of fiscal concern, but institutional self-preservation. Meanwhile, only a minority of Americans actually pay federal income taxes at all, further concentrating the burden on a shrinking pool of producers. This creates an upside-down incentive structure, where most citizens vote for benefits paid by others, while the tax code grows ever more opaque to sustain the illusion of fairness.

This leads to an uncomfortable truth. The tax code is not designed to raise money efficiently. It is designed to raise influence. Every deduction, exemption, and bracket is a node of political leverage. Progressives exploit this to reward allies and punish dissenters. Conservatives should dismantle it with the same clarity and resolve that Trump brings to regulation.

Growth, then, is not just an economic imperative. It is a moral one. A growing economy elevates the working class, funds national defense, and underwrites the social safety net. It does all this without coercion. It also reaffirms the central conservative principle that liberty, not redistribution, is the path to prosperity.

Trump’s approach, often derided as simplistic, is in fact the most sophisticated policy vision in Washington. It recognizes the limitations of static models, the distortions of bureaucratic incentives, and the moral hazards of dependency. It wagers, correctly, that the American people are not liabilities to be managed but assets to be unleashed.

The 17.5% rule is not just a quirk of FRED’s database. It is a mirror reflecting the futility of progressive fiscal policy. If the government only ever captures a fixed share of GDP, then policies must aim at increasing GDP. This is the only strategy consistent with both sound economics and limited government. Anything else is vanity or vendetta.

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Conservatives Targeted Abroad: Lawfare Moves Raise Alarms And Go Global: The EU Has Now Criminalized Conservatism.


© European Union, 2025, CC BY 4.0 , via Wikimedia Commons

In 2016, when Donald J. Trump did the unthinkable and defeated Hillary Clinton, it was not merely a disruption of the expected political cycle. It was an ontological rupture in the worldview of the globalist establishment. That elite, forged in the gleaming chambers of Davos, Brussels, and Foggy Bottom, had spent decades constructing an ideological palace upon the belief that the arc of history had bent, permanently, toward supranationalism. Trump bulldozed the edifice.

To the stewards of the so-called “Rules-Based International Order,” Trump’s rise was not just electoral misfortune, it was apostasy. His sins were theological: he questioned NATO’s utility, dismissed climate crusades, mocked international treaties, and, most unforgivable, declared that he would put America first. That phrase, so simple yet so devastating to the mandarins of multilateralism, signaled something deeper: the resurrection of sovereignty. It could not be allowed to stand.

By 2021, the counterattack had taken shape. Legal warfare, once the exclusive domain of banana republics, was rebranded and refined as a tool of elite preservation. The strategy: if the ballot box produces the wrong result, change the judge. If the people err, prosecute their champion. Trump was hit with a fusillade of indictments, not because he is unusually corrupt, but because he is unusually disruptive. The pattern has metastasized. From Paris to Bucharest, Caracas to Dublin, nationalist leaders are being purged not by plebiscite but by process.

Marine Le Pen, once again the front-runner in the French presidential race, was neatly removed from contention through a judicial maneuver so timed and tidy one might mistake it for satire. On March 27, 2025, she was sentenced to a two-year suspended prison term and barred from public office for five years, effectively ending her 2027 candidacy. The charge? Alleged misuse of European Parliament funds, a case launched in 2016, revived without fanfare just as her polling numbers peaked. Over a dozen members of her National Rally party were likewise ensnared. The message was unmistakable: challenge Brussels, and you will be removed. Not debated. Not defeated. Removed.

The United States, now again under Trump’s leadership, has taken unprecedented steps to confront this new form of transnational political suppression. In May 2025, Secretary of State Marco Rubio authorized an investigatory mission to France to examine the legal proceedings against Le Pen. The US team, which includes career diplomats and legal observers, will assess whether international norms regarding democratic participation and judicial impartiality were violated. According to one senior State Department official, “If the US is to champion democracy, we cannot turn a blind eye when it is strangled by procedure rather than preserved by principle.”

Nor is France alone. In the United Kingdom, where political prosecutions increasingly cloak themselves in “hate speech” jurisprudence, Trump has dispatched a parallel team to review the jailing of Lucy Connolly, a populist firebrand arrested for what British authorities describe as incitement against migrants. Her defenders argue that her speech, however inflammatory, was plainly political. She was not tried by jury but condemned by a panel whose allegiance to the ruling party is, at best, suspect. American officials have requested transcripts, court documents, and access to Connolly’s legal team. The message, again, is clear: the Trump administration intends to confront, not accommodate, global lawfare.

In Eastern Europe, the illusion of democratic procedure has been similarly weaponized. Romania’s presidential election in November 2024 was upended when nationalist outsider Călin Georgescu, who won the first round, was suddenly declared ineligible. The cause? Accusations of Russian interference, though no credible evidence was ever produced. Within days, he was arrested for “communicating false information” and “promoting fascism,” charges as conveniently vague as they are politically lethal. His removal nullified the voters’ verdict.

One need not endorse Georgescu’s views to grasp the threat. When the people’s will is retroactively invalidated through judicial intervention, democracy becomes a simulation, not a reality. Once again, Trump has responded. The State Department has contacted Romanian authorities requesting a detailed account of the court’s findings and the legal basis for the annulment. While critics call the intervention unprecedented, defenders argue that America’s moral leadership depends upon its willingness to challenge injustice, even when it wears a robe.

This new approach marks a decisive philosophical shift. Previous administrations, from Bush to Biden, paid homage to the international order even as it rotted from within. Trump, by contrast, treats sovereignty not as a relic but as a right. His foreign policy assumes that democracy means self-determination, not elite curation. The investigation into Le Pen’s case is not mere theater; it is the first salvo in a counteroffensive against the weaponization of law.

The trend is global and unmistakable. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro is ensnared in a judicial spiderweb designed to prevent his political resurrection. Ireland has prepared charges against Conor McGregor under nebulous “hate speech” provisions. In Pakistan, Imran Khan sits in prison, his party decapitated before elections could be held. In Turkey, Istanbul’s mayor has been jailed for alleged ties to terrorism, charges his supporters regard as fiction. In each case, the pattern is the same. Nationalists rise, globalists recoil, courts intervene.

And still the architects of this jurisprudential coup insist they are defending democracy. But as any student of logic will note, defending democracy by voiding elections is a contradiction. If democracy is to mean anything, it must include the right to elect those whom the elite loathe. Otherwise, it is mere spectacle.

Trump’s willingness to use the diplomatic tools of the US government to expose this farce is both bold and necessary. If France or the UK can banish their opposition with the stroke of a judge’s pen, then the lesson is simple: legality is not justice. The law, once a shield for the people, has become a cudgel for the ruling class.

In sending observers to France, Romania, and the UK, the Trump administration is doing more than gathering evidence. It is issuing a warning: the age of passive accommodation is over. The US will no longer grant automatic legitimacy to foreign prosecutions that function as political purges.

For the globalist order, this is an existential threat. Their power lies not in persuasion, but in process. They wield courts as swords and bureaucracies as shields. Trump’s crime was to question their divinity. His re-election gives him the power to expose their secular heresies.

But this fight extends beyond Trump. It concerns the survival of political choice itself. If voters cannot choose their leaders without fear that judges will unchoose them, then democracy has already died. What remains is oligarchy, dressed up in robes and gavels.

So yes, the investigations into Le Pen and Connolly are controversial. Good. They should be. Nothing less than the integrity of self-governance is at stake. The ballot box must not become an anteroom to the dock.

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