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Nuclear Bombshell About What Trump’s DOJ Should Do to Obama and Biden


Gorodenkoff via Shutterstock

The January 6th witch hunt is about to boomerang back on Democrats in spectacular fashion.

A leading conservative investigative journalist just outlined a path for justice that would leave Obama and Biden scrambling.

And Julie Kelly dropped a nuclear bombshell about what Trump’s DOJ should do to Obama and Biden.

Kelly proposes turning Biden’s own legal weapons against him

Conservative investigative journalist Julie Kelly delivered a stunning analysis during her appearance on “The Benny Show” that could reshape how Americans think about accountability for the weaponization of government.

Kelly revealed she’s developing a comprehensive legal framework showing how President Trump’s Justice Department could pursue seditious conspiracy charges against Barack Obama and Joe Biden.

“I’ve actually been working on a seditious conspiracy article and how the DOJ might be able to apply,” Kelly explained to host Benny Johnson.¹

This represents the ultimate poetic justice – using the exact same legal theories that Biden’s DOJ deployed against January 6th defendants.

The irony is breathtaking.

Kelly pointed out that seditious conspiracy historically targeted serious threats like foreign terrorists. She noted this statute was used against perpetrators of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing – actual terrorists who killed Americans.

But Biden’s Justice Department transformed this serious charge into a political weapon.

The double standard that could backfire spectacularly

Here’s where Kelly’s analysis gets devastating for Democrats.

Biden’s prosecutors convinced juries to convict January 6th defendants on seditious conspiracy charges even when those defendants “were not even in Washington, D.C., some of whom didn’t even go inside the Capitol.”²

Kelly noted that among all these defendants, “only one had some sort of weapon. I think, you know, a pocketknife or something only.”³

Think about that for a moment.

If prosecutors can secure seditious conspiracy convictions against Americans who weren’t even present at the Capitol, what does that mean for government officials who actually wielded federal agencies as weapons?

Host Benny Johnson crystallized this perfectly: “Did they have the power to overthrow the U.S. government? And of course, of course, that’s laughably no. Yet these people did have the power to overthrow the government. They use the most powerful intelligence community resources known to man, and they weaponized them against Donald Trump.”⁴

The legal precedent is now established, thanks to Biden’s own prosecutors.

When the full weight of government becomes the weapon

Kelly’s most compelling argument centers on the definition of “force” in seditious conspiracy cases.

During January 6th trials, Biden’s prosecutors argued that physical violence wasn’t required for conviction.

“They said physical force wasn’t necessary, that any sort of force that they planned to use force. Well, it doesn’t have to be physical force,” Kelly observed.⁵

Now apply that legal standard to what actually happened to Trump.

Kelly laid out the devastating case: “When you have the full force of the intelligence community, the White House, the Oval Office, the DOJ, the FBI, CIA, every single major, powerful, unaccountable government agency coming down on your head,” she said, “How can you say that’s not by force? That’s way worse than someone opening a door with Capitol Police standing right there going into a government building on a Wednesday afternoon.”⁶

This cuts right to the heart of the matter.

If walking through an open door with police present constitutes seditious conspiracy, what does coordinating multiple federal agencies against a political opponent represent?

Kelly suggested the conspiracy spans administrations, running from Obama’s White House through Biden’s regime, all designed to sabotage Trump’s Presidency and delegitimize any potential return to power.

Justice delayed but not denied

Kelly revealed another bombshell – she believes Special Counsel Jack Smith was preparing seditious conspiracy charges against Trump if he had lost the 2024 election.

The weaponization was going to continue indefinitely.

But Trump’s landslide victory changed everything.

Now Kelly argues that January 6th defendants “would love to see seditious conspiracy thrown back” at the officials who destroyed their lives.

And why shouldn’t they get that satisfaction?

These Americans had their lives destroyed by a legal system that applied one standard to them and a completely different standard to the political elite who actually possessed the power to damage American democracy.

Kelly concluded with a direct challenge to Trump’s DOJ: “I do think that that should be one of the statutes on the table for the Trump DOJ to consider.”⁷

The legal framework exists.

The precedents have been established by Biden’s own prosecutors.

The evidence of government weaponization is overwhelming.

The only question remaining is whether Trump’s Justice Department will have the courage to apply equal justice under law.

For too long, Washington, D.C. has operated under a two-tiered system where political elites escape consequences while ordinary Americans face the full weight of prosecutorial power.

Julie Kelly’s analysis shows that the tools for accountability already exist – Biden’s DOJ helpfully created them.

The American people voted for justice and accountability in November.

It’s time to deliver both.

The US Abandoned Meritocracy and Got Bureaucratic Bloat


The Return of Merit: Why the Civil Service Exam Must Be Reinstated

The health of a republic depends not merely on the virtue of its leaders but on the competence of its administrators. A functioning government requires that those entrusted with the machinery of state be capable, informed, and accountable. That, in essence, was the animating ideal behind the federal civil service exam: to protect the American people from the twin perils of incompetence and corruption by ensuring a government staffed by merit. Yet over the past half-century, this ideal has been eroded, then discarded, not because it failed but because it succeeded too well in measuring ability, much to the discomfort of the politically fashionable.

The modern federal workforce was born out of the Pendleton Act of 1883, a legislative rebuke to the grotesque excesses of the patronage system. No longer would positions in the federal government be handed out like party favors to the politically loyal or the well-connected. A professional class would rise, chosen not by whom they knew but by what they knew. And for nearly a century, that principle held. The civil service exam functioned as a leveling mechanism, a barrier against cronyism and a gateway for the able.

But by the 1970s, a new orthodoxy emerged, one less interested in capability than in demography. The Professional and Administrative Career Examination (PACE), itself a refined instrument for identifying administrative talent, fell under attack for producing racially disparate outcomes. The case of Luevano v. Campbell marked a turning point. The plaintiffs did not allege that the exam was unfair in design or malicious in purpose. Rather, they contended that because different racial groups performed differently, the test must, ipso facto, be discriminatory. It was an argument of correlation over causation, but it carried the day.

The Carter administration, confronted with this challenge, might have defended the constitutional imperative for equal treatment, the statutory demand for merit-based hiring, and the moral obligation to hire the best-qualified. Instead, it capitulated. PACE was abandoned. Objective testing, the gold standard of fair evaluation, was replaced with subjective assessments: resumes, interviews, and “diversity-enhancing” hiring programs. Where once the federal government had demanded proof of ability, it now sought proxies. The result was a quiet revolution in hiring—a regression masked in the language of progress.

This abandonment of testing was not isolated. In 2010, President Barack Obama issued Executive Order 13562 (still in effect today), further distancing federal hiring from meritocratic principles. The rationale was revealing: written essays and similar assessments were said to disadvantage applicants from underrepresented backgrounds, particularly those whose written communication skills were not deemed sufficient. But to concede that writing proficiency is a disqualifier is not to justify removing the barrier, it is to highlight a deficiency that the job itself may require. In any reasonable domain, poor writing is a cause for concern, not a credential to be protected.

Critics of standardized testing often assert that exams are an insufficient predictor of job performance. This is a red herring. No test is perfect, but the proper question is comparative: Are structured, objective assessments superior to opaque, informal, and potentially biased evaluations? The answer, again and again, has been yes. A 2002 study by Schmidt and Hunter, published in Psychological Bulletin, reviewed 85 years of research and concluded that general cognitive ability tests are among the best predictors of job performance, outperforming unstructured interviews and resume reviews. In a government that administers everything from cyber defense to public health policy, the ability to reason, write, and analyze should be baseline qualifications, not optional enhancements.

Moreover, the move away from standardized testing has not made the hiring process more fair. It has simply made it more obscure. Informal interviews and resume screenings are fertile ground for implicit bias, favoritism, and credentialism. At least an exam can be audited. A panel interview cannot. At least a written test applies the same standard to everyone. A “holistic” hiring process applies no standard at all.

Some will argue that the disparities in test outcomes are too large to ignore, that such differences in performance indicate systemic barriers. Perhaps. But if the goal is equality of opportunity, then the proper remedy lies upstream, in education, in preparation, in mentorship. Lowering the bar of entry is not compassion, it is condescension. It assumes that certain groups cannot meet standards and therefore must be exempted from them. That is not equity. It is a quiet form of surrender.

Defenders of the status quo claim that modern hiring tools are more flexible, more “person-centered,” more conducive to creating a diverse workforce. But a diverse bureaucracy is not a competent one unless diversity aligns with ability. The federal government is not a social engineering project. It is a system of authority, enforcement, regulation, and service. It must be staffed by those who can perform these functions with precision and integrity. To suggest otherwise is to mistake the civil service for a campus diversity office.

Furthermore, the legal justification for abandoning standardized exams is tenuous. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act prohibits employment practices that have a disparate impact unless the employer can show the practice is job-related and consistent with business necessity. The courts have recognized that general ability tests can satisfy this requirement. In Washington v. Davis (1976), the Supreme Court ruled that a police entrance exam that disproportionately excluded black applicants did not violate the Constitution, as there was no discriminatory intent and the exam measured relevant job skills. The Luevano settlement, by contrast, was a political compromise, not a constitutional necessity.

President Trump, if he wishes to drain the bureaucratic swamp in more than metaphor, must begin with reforming how the swamp is staffed. The restoration of the civil service exam would do more than elevate standards. It would restore trust. Americans rightly suspect that their government is staffed not by the best and brightest but by the best connected, the most ideologically aligned, or the most demographically favored. An exam does not care what you look like, whom you voted for, or where you went to school. It cares only whether you can do the job.

This logic must apply not only to future hires but to current employees. The federal workforce is vast, powerful, and deeply entrenched. If we are serious about accountability, then every current federal employee should be required to pass a reformed civil service exam appropriate to their position. The goal is not to purge but to affirm. Those who are competent will have nothing to fear. Those who are not nor should not be on the public payroll.

It is time to end the experiment in subjective hiring. It has failed. It has produced neither a more competent government nor a more just one. It has diluted standards under the guise of equity and eroded public faith in institutions once deemed apolitical. We must reverse course. We must affirm once again that public service is not a birthright or a diversity quota. It is a trust, to be earned, not granted.

Exposing the Garland Memo: A Case Study in Government Weaponized Against Parents


On October 4, 2021, the Attorney General of the United States issued a directive that would rattle the very foundation of American civil society. Parents, concerned about their children’s education, found themselves recast not as civic participants but as potential threats to national security. According to a memo issued by AG Merrick Garland, the Justice Department would coordinate with the FBI and US Attorneys to address a supposed spike in threats against school board officials. But the underlying claim was a fiction. And now, thanks to newly released internal DOJ documents obtained by America First Legal (AFL), we can say conclusively what many suspected at the time: the Biden administration orchestrated this memo as part of a political operation, driven not by law or evidence, but by ideology and electoral calculus.

Let us begin with a question. Why did the Department of Justice, whose jurisdiction is meant to guard against actual federal crimes, insert itself into a public conversation dominated by non-criminal speech? The answer, as the documents now confirm, is that it did so at the prompting of the White House, which viewed parents not as constituents to be heard, but as dissidents to be managed.

The initial spark came from a September 29, 2021 letter sent by the National School Boards Association (NSBA) to President Biden. In this letter, the NSBA urged the administration to treat protests at school board meetings as akin to “domestic terrorism,” citing the Patriot Act as a model for possible federal intervention. The invocation of such a statute was absurd on its face. Protesting mask mandates or objecting to Critical Race Theory, however forcefully, does not rise to the level of terrorism. But what is more damning is what followed: a flurry of communications within the DOJ, indicating that officials were under pressure to respond.

On October 1, just two days after the NSBA letter, Tamarra Matthews-Johnson of the Attorney General’s office flagged the matter for Kevin Chambers at the Deputy Attorney General’s office, stating that the White House “has been in touch” about how DOJ might assist. At 8:17 a.m. the next morning, Sparkle Sooknanan, then of the Associate Attorney General’s office and now a federal judge, demanded an urgent review from the Civil Rights Division: were there any statutes, any authorities, that could justify a DOJ response? The request was extraordinary. It was a classic case of the tail wagging the dog. They had the political goal, and now needed a legal rationale to support it.

What followed was a quiet rebellion from within. Career attorneys in the Civil Rights Division, legal professionals whose job is to interpret law rather than bend it, pushed back. One stated explicitly that the behavior cited by NSBA “likely fall[s] outside of our jurisdiction.” Another said, unequivocally, “there is nothing specific” that could be applied. The attempt to find federal jurisdiction was, in the understated phrasing of another DOJ attorney, “ramping up an awful lot of federal manpower for what is currently a non-federal conduct.”

In other words, the law said no. But politics said yes. So politics won.

By the morning of October 4, a draft memo was already circulating. Language referring to election interference was quietly stripped out, after concerns that it would appear overtly partisan. But the core premise of the memo, that DOJ would mobilize against parents based on a manufactured crisis, remained untouched. The final version went out that day to the FBI, US Attorneys, and law enforcement nationwide.

To understand the magnitude of this decision, one must consider the federal apparatus being invoked. We are not speaking of a local school district or even a state attorney general’s office. We are speaking of the Department of Justice, the FBI, and the National Security Division. These are the institutions tasked with defending the United States from foreign threats, organized crime, and acts of terrorism. Now they were being mobilized against citizens speaking at school board meetings.

Some defenders of the memo have insisted that it was a neutral effort to ensure safety. But the internal documents tell a different story. Not only did the DOJ lack jurisdiction, but it also lacked data. One Civil Rights attorney reviewed the NSBA’s own sources and concluded that “the vast, vast majority of behavior cited cannot be reached by federal law” and that most of it “is protected by the First Amendment.”

At this point, any good faith rationale should have evaporated. The legal authority did not exist. The facts did not support intervention. And the lawyers responsible for enforcing civil rights said as much. But Garland’s DOJ, driven by political appointees, forged ahead.

Why? To chill dissent. To create a pretext for federal monitoring. And, most damningly, to tilt the political field in favor of Democrats ahead of the 2021 Virginia gubernatorial election.

The timing is revealing. At the very moment when education was emerging as a major campaign issue in Virginia, the Biden administration intervened with a chilling federal directive aimed squarely at the parents who were driving that conversation. The effect, if not the intent, was to intimidate them into silence.

This was not merely a bureaucratic misstep. It was, as AFL President Gene Hamilton put it, an effort “to deprive parents of two fundamental rights—the right to speak, and the right to direct the upbringing of their children.” And it was done under color of law, through an administration that promised to restore norms while quietly undermining them.

What is perhaps most distressing is the downstream effect. The FBI’s Counterterrorism Division, blindsided by the memo, was left scrambling to define what exactly it was being asked to do. Internal messages reveal confusion and concern, not just about the lack of legal basis, but about the very premise. Was this really what the federal government was now for?

A free society depends on more than the formal guarantees of its Constitution. It depends on the restraint of those in power. It depends on a culture of governance that distinguishes between disagreement and danger, between protest and threat. When that distinction is lost, freedom becomes a mere parchment barrier.

The Garland memo was not an isolated event. It was a signal. It told Americans that certain views, particularly those out of step with the educational elite, would not be tolerated without consequence. It told career DOJ attorneys that their legal advice could be overruled by political expedience. And it told the White House that federal power could be used to police ideology under the guise of law enforcement.

We must reject this approach categorically. Not because we are indifferent to the safety of public officials, but because we know that civil liberties are not things to be managed or balanced, but principles to be upheld. The right to speak at a school board meeting, however impassioned, is not a loophole in national security law. It is the beating heart of American self-government.

The documents released by AFL do more than expose a scandal. They illustrate the dangers of weaponized bureaucracy. They reveal a Justice Department more interested in political theater than legal fidelity. And they confirm, beyond dispute, that the October 4 memo was not about law enforcement. It was about silencing dissent.

In his inaugural address, President Biden claimed he would “restore the soul of America.” But there is nothing soulful about suppressing speech, circumventing legal advice, and intimidating parents for participating in democracy. That is not restoration. It is repression, dressed in bureaucratic prose.

The Biden administration must be held accountable for its actions. Congress should investigate not merely the memo itself, but the full extent of White House involvement, the decision-making process within DOJ, and the broader pattern of targeting political dissent. And the American people must remain vigilant, lest today’s memo become tomorrow’s precedent.

Epstein And The Intelligence Trap: What They Know And Can’t Say


Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]

The Dissonance of Silence

It is often said that silence speaks louder than words. But in politics, particularly in the realm of national security and institutional deception, silence can scream. This week, the Department of Justice issued a two-page memo attempting to close the book on the Epstein affair. It claimed, with bureaucratic finality, that there is no client list, no credible blackmail operation, and no intelligence connection to Jeffrey Epstein. In response, three people who once led the charge against deep state duplicity, who built their reputations torching the intelligence community’s darkest corners, Pam Bondi, Kash Patel, and Dan Bongino, stood by and said, essentially, nothing.

DOJ/FBI Memo Regarding Jeffrey Epstein

This abrupt and telling quiet should give us pause.

To understand the full weight of their silence, we must revisit who these individuals are and the stakes of what they now decline to confront. Bondi, the former Florida Attorney General, earned acclaim for prosecuting high-profile criminals and exposing systemic corruption. Patel, an architect of the House Intelligence Committee’s investigation into the Russia hoax, is one of the most legally precise and fearless national security officials of the past decade. Bongino, who served in the Secret Service and later as a conservative commentator, has made a career of unmasking the inconsistencies of the intelligence apparatus, none more frequently than Epstein.

In January 2024, Bongino played a clip on his podcast in which a journalist stated he was “100% convinced that Epstein was killed because he made his whole living blackmailing people.” Bongino added, “I’ve heard the same claims from another reporter and they are super important.” Patel has similarly echoed doubts about Epstein’s death and the intelligence community’s role in covering up his network. Bondi, during the election cycle and beyond, pledged that the Epstein saga was not over. Each built public trust on the promise that they would get to the bottom of it.

Now, they all plead ignorance. Or worse, they call for no further action.

When asked at a cabinet meeting whether Epstein was connected to US intelligence, Bondi responded she didn’t know and would “look into it.” Bongino has fallen silent on the topic he once described as the tip of an intelligence iceberg. Patel, in statements since assuming office, has offered little to nothing on the subject.

Given who these people are, that silence is not neutral. It is epistemically loaded. What explains it?

There are two plausible answers. First, they now know, beyond the veil of classification, that Epstein was in fact an asset of the US intelligence community. Not a rogue financier, not merely a criminal pervert, but a controlled contractor in a sprawling, state-sanctioned blackmail apparatus designed to secure kompromat on foreign and domestic elites. If this is true, then acknowledging it would expose ongoing operations, compromise alliances with other intelligence services such as MI6 and Mossad, and detonate diplomatic landmines too dangerous to handle.

The second possibility is more sinister. Perhaps they are not simply withholding in service of state interests. Perhaps they, too, are now targets of the very coercive mechanisms they once pledged to dismantle. Perhaps they are being threatened, pressured, blackmailed, directly or indirectly, overtly or subtly. Epstein’s apparatus, after all, was designed to survive him. The very system that protected him for decades still exists. And it is entirely capable of protecting itself.

The CIA is not merely a collector of secrets; it is a curator of silence.

That brings us back to the core of the matter: Epstein was not a lone predator. He was not merely a billionaire with an inexplicable passion for teenage masseuses. His operations were not accidental, nor could they have persisted without protection at the highest levels of intelligence and government.

Consider his early trajectory. In the late 1970s, Epstein was hired at the Dalton School by Donald Barr, an ex-OSS officer and the father of future Attorney General Bill Barr. This is not coincidence. Epstein didn’t even possess a college degree. His placement at an elite school known for educating the children of the Manhattan elite set the stage for everything to come. He gained access to power, and more importantly, to the children of power.

From there, Epstein transitioned into finance with a swift rise at Bear Stearns, where he managed sensitive accounts and was involved in insider trading schemes tied to prominent families. He exited the firm just ahead of an SEC investigation, unscathed, protected. In the 1980s, he partnered with Steven Hoffenberg in a massive Ponzi scheme at Towers Financial. Hoffenberg went to prison. Epstein did not.

In a court filing in 2019, Hoffenberg stated under oath that Epstein was the “architect” of the fraud. The US government never charged him. Again, protected.

In the 1990s, Epstein became deeply enmeshed with Leslie Wexner, the billionaire founder of L Brands and co-founder of the secretive Mega Group. Epstein was given full control of Wexner’s fortune, deeded Wexner’s New York mansion, and placed into direct financial and operational contact with Israeli intelligence. His closest confidante, Ghislaine Maxwell, is the daughter of Robert Maxwell, an Israeli asset who helped disseminate surveillance software to foreign governments was clearly put in Epstein’s orbit by MI6.

These are not happenstances. This is recruitment and operational integration.

Epstein moved weapons, money, and people. He brokered deals in the Middle East with known intelligence-linked arms traffickers. He used Southern Air Transport, a CIA shell company from the Iran-Contra era. He obtained a fake passport with a Saudi address. He spent time in intelligence-connected banking hubs like the Cayman Islands and Geneva. He was never arrested for these activities. He was protected, always.

His homes were wired with cameras. His girls were groomed to recruit more. His visitors were famous, influential, and often compromised. He catalogued everything. Digital kompromat for the post-Cold War age. Hundreds of hard drives and thousands of DVDs containing unknown volumes of potentially incriminating material were discovered in his properties, but inexplicably, the FBI left them behind and allowed Epstein’s people to remove them. When the agency later returned to retrieve them, they were gone, only to be returned by Epstein’s own lawyers. By then, who knows what had been copied, edited, erased, or weaponized.

So when the DOJ now asserts, with a straight face, that there is no “credible evidence” of a client list, we must understand what that phrase really means. It means nothing admissible, nothing declassified, nothing that would require official action. It does not mean the list does not exist. It means the regime will not recognize it.

To question this is not to indulge conspiracy. It is to recognize pattern. This is the same DOJ that refused to examine Hunter Biden’s foreign influence operations, the same FBI that sat on the Clinton email server scandal, the same intelligence community that lied about FISA abuse.

And so we must return to the question that animates this article: Why are Bondi, Patel, and Bongino protecting the very institution they once sought to expose?

If it is for national security, then fine. But tell us. Say that. Do not insult our intelligence with implausible denials and bureaucratic dodge. If they are under threat, then say that, too. Even obliquely.

Because the current silence is not just a betrayal of past statements. It is a betrayal of the people they once served. The American public entrusted them with the truth. They are now behaving like agents of the same concealment machine they once sought to dismantle. Don’t forget, I’ve been asking everyone to give them time to do their jobs.

One solution remains: appoint a special prosecutor. Not one tethered to the Justice Department. Not one embedded within the intelligence bureaucracy. An outsider, with full subpoena and prosecutorial power, to uncover the truth and bring justice to Epstein’s victims, to indict the protectors and profiteers of the system, and to restore credibility to institutions that have forfeited it.

Let the chips fall where they may. If the intelligence community finds that threatening, perhaps it should reconsider the wisdom of trafficking in children and kompromat.

The facts are stubborn. Epstein worked with and for intelligence. He was protected to the end. And if Pam Bondi, Kash Patel, and Dan Bongino will not say it, someone must.

Linda McMahon just delivered crushing news to New York officials who tried to erase this piece of American history. ’bout time!


Sanit Fuangnakhon via Shutterstock

The woke Left has been trying to cancel American history for years.

But they picked the wrong fight this time.

And Linda McMahon just delivered crushing news to New York officials who tried to erase this piece of American history.

New York officials get slammed for discriminatory mascot ban

The battle over the Massapequa High School Chiefs mascot has been raging for months.

New York’s Board of Regents tried to force the Long Island school district to dump its longtime mascot because it was supposedly offensive to Native Americans.

But the federal government just stepped in with a bombshell ruling that has New York education officials scrambling.

Secretary of Education Linda McMahon announced that her department is referring the case to the Department of Justice for enforcement action.

The move comes after New York state officials rejected a settlement agreement that would have brought them into compliance with federal civil rights law.

“Both the New York Department of Education and the Board of Regents violated federal antidiscrimination law and disrespected the people of Massapequa by implementing an absurd policy: prohibiting the use of Native American mascots while allowing mascots derived from European national origin,” said U.S. Secretary of Education Linda McMahon.

McMahon didn’t pull any punches in her criticism of New York’s selective enforcement.

The Department of Education found that New York violated Title VI of the Civil Rights Act by banning Native American mascots while allowing other schools to keep mascots like the “Dutchmen” and “Huguenots.”

That’s discrimination pure and simple.

Federal investigation exposes New York’s hypocrisy

The Office for Civil Rights opened its investigation into New York’s mascot policy back in April.

What they found was a textbook case of government overreach and selective discrimination.

New York officials were perfectly fine with mascots that celebrated European heritage.

But when it came to honoring Native American culture and history, suddenly they had a problem.

McMahon visited Massapequa High School in May to announce the results of the federal investigation.

The Trump administration wasn’t going to let New York get away with this discriminatory double standard.

“We will not allow New York state to silence the voices of Native Americans, and discriminatorily choose which history is acceptable to promote or erase,” said U.S. Secretary of Education Linda McMahon.

The federal government offered New York a way out through a Resolution Agreement.

All the state had to do was rescind its ban on Native American mascots and issue an apology to Indigenous tribes.

New York officials turned it down flat.

New York doubles down on discrimination

New York’s refusal to accept the federal settlement shows just how committed they are to their woke agenda.

Even when faced with a clear violation of civil rights law, they’d rather fight it out in court than admit they were wrong.

The Office for Civil Rights gave New York officials 10 days to accept the Resolution Agreement or face referral to the Department of Justice.

They rejected it not once, but twice.

Now the Department of Justice will have to step in and force New York to comply with federal law.

This case perfectly illustrates the Left’s twisted approach to “protecting” minority groups.

They claim to care about Native Americans while simultaneously trying to erase their history and culture from public view.

Meanwhile, they have no problem with mascots that honor – or stereotype – other ethnic groups.

It’s selective outrage at its worst.

The real issue: government overreach vs. local control

The Massapequa Chiefs controversy highlights a much bigger problem with government bureaucrats trying to impose their values on local communities.

The people of Massapequa didn’t ask New York state officials to change their mascot.

This was a top-down mandate from Albany politicians who think they know better than the local community.

School mascots should be decided by the people who actually attend those schools and live in those communities.

Not by bureaucrats in the state capital who are pushing a political agenda.

The federal government’s intervention in this case sends a clear message that discrimination won’t be tolerated, even when it’s dressed up as progressive politics.

Linda McMahon and the Trump administration are standing up for the principle that all cultures and histories deserve equal treatment under the law.

New York’s mascot ban was never about protecting Native Americans.

It was about advancing a woke agenda that seeks to erase certain parts of American history while celebrating others.

What happens next

Now that the case has been referred to the Department of Justice, New York will face federal enforcement action.

The state could lose federal education funding if it continues to violate civil rights law.

That would be a costly mistake for New York taxpayers.

The Department of Justice has the authority to file a lawsuit against New York to force compliance with Title VI.

Federal courts don’t look kindly on government entities that discriminate based on race or national origin.

New York officials would be wise to reconsider their position before this gets even more expensive.

The Massapequa Chiefs case could set an important precedent for similar disputes across the country.

Other states that have tried to ban Native American mascots while allowing others might want to take a close look at their policies.

Selective enforcement of mascot bans based on the ethnic origin of the name or symbol is discrimination, plain and simple.

The federal government won’t stand for it under the Trump administration.

This is what happens when woke politics collides with civil rights law.

The law and truth win every time.

When the Riot Bill Comes Due: Democrat Cities Face Federal Funding Freeze And The Hurt Begins


When the Riot Bill Comes Due: Democrat Cities Face Federal Funding Freeze

Like a long-overdue invoice finally landing on the doorstep, the consequences for months of anti-ICE chaos are about to hit where it hurts most: the wallet. While Democrat mayors have spent weeks grandstanding against federal immigration enforcement, playing to their progressive base with fiery rhetoric about “resistance,” a different kind of reckoning has been quietly brewing in Washington.

The riots that erupted across Los Angeles and spread to other major cities weren’t just spontaneous outbursts of anger—they were calculated political theater. And let me tell you, watching these mayors orchestrate resistance while their cities burned was something to behold. As ICE operations successfully rounded up violent criminals including child molesters, murderers, and drug dealers, Democrat-controlled cities responded not with gratitude for removing dangerous predators from their streets, but with organized resistance.

Chicago’s Mayor Brandon Johnson called ICE raids “terrorism” and claimed Trump’s America looks like “the Confederacy won.” California Governor Gavin Newsom continues his defiant posturing, refusing meaningful cooperation with federal authorities.

But here’s what these political grandstanders apparently forgot: their cities don’t operate in a vacuum. Federal dollars flow through every major infrastructure project, every highway repair, every bridge renovation. And those dollars come with strings attached—strings that are about to be pulled tight.

Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy just delivered the news that should have every city budget director reaching for the antacids:

From Breitbart:
The USDOT will NOT fund rogue state actors who refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement. And to cities that stand by while rioters destroy transportation infrastructure — don’t expect a red cent from DOT, either. Follow the law, or forfeit the funding.

This isn’t an empty threat or political posturing. Duffy has already demonstrated his willingness to use federal funding as leverage, previously warning that states giving driver’s licenses to illegal immigrants or maintaining DEI policies would lose transportation dollars. The difference now is the scale and urgency—major cities that have become synonymous with anti-ICE resistance are staring down the barrel of massive funding cuts.

Let me get this straight: cities that allowed rioters to destroy their own infrastructure while protecting criminals from deportation now want federal taxpayers to foot the repair bill? Los Angeles, which watched protesters wave Mexican flags while chanting about ICE, expects American citizens from Kansas and Alabama to pay for fixing their self-inflicted damage. It’s a level of audacity that would be impressive if it weren’t so infuriating.

The contrast between mayors tells the real story here. New York’s Eric Adams, despite his Democrat credentials, has instructed the NYPD not to interfere with ICE operations, telling reporters that protesters blocking federal authorities “is not going to happen in the city.” Meanwhile, Johnson and Newsom double down on their resistance theater, apparently believing their political posturing is worth more than the billions in federal transportation funding their constituents depend on.

What I find most satisfying about this approach is its elegant simplicity. No dramatic confrontations, no constitutional crises—just the quiet enforcement of a basic principle that conservatives have always understood: if you want the benefits of the system, you have to follow the rules of the system. Actions, as they say, have consequences. And for America’s most defiant cities, those consequences are about to become very real and very expensive indeed.

Conservatives Targeted Abroad: Lawfare Moves Raise Alarms And Go Global: The EU Has Now Criminalized Conservatism.


© European Union, 2025, CC BY 4.0 , via Wikimedia Commons

In 2016, when Donald J. Trump did the unthinkable and defeated Hillary Clinton, it was not merely a disruption of the expected political cycle. It was an ontological rupture in the worldview of the globalist establishment. That elite, forged in the gleaming chambers of Davos, Brussels, and Foggy Bottom, had spent decades constructing an ideological palace upon the belief that the arc of history had bent, permanently, toward supranationalism. Trump bulldozed the edifice.

To the stewards of the so-called “Rules-Based International Order,” Trump’s rise was not just electoral misfortune, it was apostasy. His sins were theological: he questioned NATO’s utility, dismissed climate crusades, mocked international treaties, and, most unforgivable, declared that he would put America first. That phrase, so simple yet so devastating to the mandarins of multilateralism, signaled something deeper: the resurrection of sovereignty. It could not be allowed to stand.

By 2021, the counterattack had taken shape. Legal warfare, once the exclusive domain of banana republics, was rebranded and refined as a tool of elite preservation. The strategy: if the ballot box produces the wrong result, change the judge. If the people err, prosecute their champion. Trump was hit with a fusillade of indictments, not because he is unusually corrupt, but because he is unusually disruptive. The pattern has metastasized. From Paris to Bucharest, Caracas to Dublin, nationalist leaders are being purged not by plebiscite but by process.

Marine Le Pen, once again the front-runner in the French presidential race, was neatly removed from contention through a judicial maneuver so timed and tidy one might mistake it for satire. On March 27, 2025, she was sentenced to a two-year suspended prison term and barred from public office for five years, effectively ending her 2027 candidacy. The charge? Alleged misuse of European Parliament funds, a case launched in 2016, revived without fanfare just as her polling numbers peaked. Over a dozen members of her National Rally party were likewise ensnared. The message was unmistakable: challenge Brussels, and you will be removed. Not debated. Not defeated. Removed.

The United States, now again under Trump’s leadership, has taken unprecedented steps to confront this new form of transnational political suppression. In May 2025, Secretary of State Marco Rubio authorized an investigatory mission to France to examine the legal proceedings against Le Pen. The US team, which includes career diplomats and legal observers, will assess whether international norms regarding democratic participation and judicial impartiality were violated. According to one senior State Department official, “If the US is to champion democracy, we cannot turn a blind eye when it is strangled by procedure rather than preserved by principle.”

Nor is France alone. In the United Kingdom, where political prosecutions increasingly cloak themselves in “hate speech” jurisprudence, Trump has dispatched a parallel team to review the jailing of Lucy Connolly, a populist firebrand arrested for what British authorities describe as incitement against migrants. Her defenders argue that her speech, however inflammatory, was plainly political. She was not tried by jury but condemned by a panel whose allegiance to the ruling party is, at best, suspect. American officials have requested transcripts, court documents, and access to Connolly’s legal team. The message, again, is clear: the Trump administration intends to confront, not accommodate, global lawfare.

In Eastern Europe, the illusion of democratic procedure has been similarly weaponized. Romania’s presidential election in November 2024 was upended when nationalist outsider Călin Georgescu, who won the first round, was suddenly declared ineligible. The cause? Accusations of Russian interference, though no credible evidence was ever produced. Within days, he was arrested for “communicating false information” and “promoting fascism,” charges as conveniently vague as they are politically lethal. His removal nullified the voters’ verdict.

One need not endorse Georgescu’s views to grasp the threat. When the people’s will is retroactively invalidated through judicial intervention, democracy becomes a simulation, not a reality. Once again, Trump has responded. The State Department has contacted Romanian authorities requesting a detailed account of the court’s findings and the legal basis for the annulment. While critics call the intervention unprecedented, defenders argue that America’s moral leadership depends upon its willingness to challenge injustice, even when it wears a robe.

This new approach marks a decisive philosophical shift. Previous administrations, from Bush to Biden, paid homage to the international order even as it rotted from within. Trump, by contrast, treats sovereignty not as a relic but as a right. His foreign policy assumes that democracy means self-determination, not elite curation. The investigation into Le Pen’s case is not mere theater; it is the first salvo in a counteroffensive against the weaponization of law.

The trend is global and unmistakable. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro is ensnared in a judicial spiderweb designed to prevent his political resurrection. Ireland has prepared charges against Conor McGregor under nebulous “hate speech” provisions. In Pakistan, Imran Khan sits in prison, his party decapitated before elections could be held. In Turkey, Istanbul’s mayor has been jailed for alleged ties to terrorism, charges his supporters regard as fiction. In each case, the pattern is the same. Nationalists rise, globalists recoil, courts intervene.

And still the architects of this jurisprudential coup insist they are defending democracy. But as any student of logic will note, defending democracy by voiding elections is a contradiction. If democracy is to mean anything, it must include the right to elect those whom the elite loathe. Otherwise, it is mere spectacle.

Trump’s willingness to use the diplomatic tools of the US government to expose this farce is both bold and necessary. If France or the UK can banish their opposition with the stroke of a judge’s pen, then the lesson is simple: legality is not justice. The law, once a shield for the people, has become a cudgel for the ruling class.

In sending observers to France, Romania, and the UK, the Trump administration is doing more than gathering evidence. It is issuing a warning: the age of passive accommodation is over. The US will no longer grant automatic legitimacy to foreign prosecutions that function as political purges.

For the globalist order, this is an existential threat. Their power lies not in persuasion, but in process. They wield courts as swords and bureaucracies as shields. Trump’s crime was to question their divinity. His re-election gives him the power to expose their secular heresies.

But this fight extends beyond Trump. It concerns the survival of political choice itself. If voters cannot choose their leaders without fear that judges will unchoose them, then democracy has already died. What remains is oligarchy, dressed up in robes and gavels.

So yes, the investigations into Le Pen and Connolly are controversial. Good. They should be. Nothing less than the integrity of self-governance is at stake. The ballot box must not become an anteroom to the dock.

The National Injunction Crisis Is Threatening Global Stability


Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]

Washington did not freeze at Valley Forge, nor did Lincoln bleed the Union at Gettysburg, so that two and a half centuries later, federal judges could rewrite American foreign policy from a bench in Boston. Yet here we are: unelected district court judges issuing orders with global repercussions, shackling the executive branch, endangering diplomacy, and destabilizing entire regions.

The case of D.V.D. v. DHS, now immortalized in Secretary of State Marco Rubio‘s sworn declaration, is the most vivid and alarming example yet. A single judge, Brian E. Murphy, appointed by President Joe Biden, has upended delicate international arrangements, disrupted military coordination in a counter-terrorism hotspot, and jeopardized humanitarian efforts across the Horn of Africa, all with a flourish of his gavel.

This is not justice, it is judicial imperialism. And if it is not stopped, it will unravel the fabric of constitutional government.

Let us begin with the basics. The Constitution vests foreign policy authority in the executive branch. Article II is unambiguous. The President “shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers,” and, with the advice and consent of the Senate, “make Treaties.” In practice, the president, through the Secretary of State, negotiates with foreign powers, calibrates the tone and tenor of our international presence, and oversees the strategic deployment of both soft power and military muscle.

The judiciary, by contrast, was never intended to function as a foreign policy apparatus. The Federalist Papers make this clear. As Alexander Hamilton wrote in Federalist No. 78, the judiciary “has no influence over either the sword or the purse.” Its power “may truly be said to have neither FORCE nor WILL, but merely judgment.” Yet what we see today is the inverse: a judiciary with the will of a legislature and the force of an executive.

Consider the chaos Judge Murphy has sown. Secretary Rubio’s declaration outlines how the judge’s May 20 injunction halted the removal of eight foreign nationals, including convicted felons, who were en route to South Sudan, rerouting them into Djibouti instead. This was not a harmless detour. It required US diplomats to scramble and re-explain our shifting commitments to a key regional partner. It delayed counter-terrorism operations headquartered at the Combined Joint Task Force–Horn of Africa. It chilled humanitarian coordination efforts in famine-stricken zones. It even postponed a major energy deal in Libya, costing American enterprise and reducing our leverage in a country already teetering on civil war.

What gives one man sitting in a courthouse on the East Coast the authority to rewrite US policy in Tripoli, Juba, and Djibouti? What constitutional principle justifies such reach?

None. But the vehicle of this judicial arrogance is the nationwide injunction, a tool so radical, so constitutionally suspect, and so corrosive to governance that even liberal legal scholars have begun to question its proliferation. Justice Clarence Thomas, prescient as ever, warned in Trump v. Hawaii (2018) that nationwide injunctions “have a tendency to encourage forum shopping, politicize the judiciary, and deprive other courts of the ability to weigh in on legal questions.”

Indeed, if one sympathetic judge can block an executive action across all 50 states, then the presidency is no longer unitary, it is hostage. Foreign leaders are not engaging with the United States government, but with whichever district judge last issued a ruling. Our diplomacy becomes erratic, our word less reliable, our authority diluted.

This distortion of power is not theoretical. It is real, and it is recurring. Remember when a district court blocked President Trump’s ban on travel from terrorism-prone countries in 2017? That nationwide injunction, issued by Judge James Robart in Washington, not only overruled the president’s national security judgment but also forced foreign governments to reevaluate their cooperation with US intelligence, uncertain if the courts or the White House were truly in charge.

The incentive structure is equally perverse. Activist groups now scour the country for friendly judges, ideological allies with a record of lawfare activism, then file lawsuits not to win narrow relief for plaintiffs, but to engineer sweeping political victories that Congress never authorized and voters never endorsed. These are not lawsuits, they are stealth coups.

One need not be a strict textualist to grasp the danger here. Imagine if a single judge could halt a military deployment, override a treaty, or block a Secretary of State from evacuating embassy personnel. We are sliding into precisely that paradigm. The judiciary, far from checking the executive, is usurping its powers outright. The result is paralysis, confusion, and an erosion of the separation of powers upon which our constitutional order depends.

The problem is compounded when the judiciary aligns itself with globalist NGOs and open-borders ideologues. In D.V.D., the class members whose deportations were halted include not just migrants with questionable asylum claims but convicted criminals. By granting them judicial sanctuary, the court effectively overrides the State Department’s security assessments, replacing sovereign discretion with ideological dogma. Is the court prepared to vet these individuals itself? Is Judge Murphy better informed on regional conflicts in the Horn of Africa than the National Security Council? Or is this just another example of a liberal judge indulging his priors at the expense of the republic?

The stakes are high. With the return of President Trump to office and the reshaping of America’s global posture, the courts must not become a backdoor veto. We are witnessing a transition away from the apologetic diplomacy of the Obama-Biden years toward a policy of strength, reciprocity, and unapologetic national interest. That pivot cannot be sabotaged by judges still committed to the prior regime.

What is to be done? First, the Supreme Court must act on the opportunity already before it. The Court has heard oral arguments in a pending case involving birthright citizenship that includes critical questions about the legitimacy and scope of nationwide injunctions. All that remains is a decision. The Court should use this case to strike down the practice as inconsistent with Article III limitations on judicial power. Such rulings should be confined to the parties before the court, not the entire country. Injunctions should bind defendants only to the extent necessary to provide relief to plaintiffs, not to reshape executive policy for 330 million Americans.

Second, Congress should act. A statute should clarify that nationwide injunctions exceed the judicial power under the Constitution. This would restore balance, eliminate forum shopping, and return the courts to their proper role: arbiters of disputes, not architects of foreign policy.

Finally, the executive must resist. The State Department and DHS should not preemptively concede to every nationwide injunction as a fait accompli. Where there is ambiguity or statutory discretion, the administration should assert its prerogatives. The president is elected. The judge is not. Accountability matters.

History offers little comfort to those who allow unelected tribunals to dictate the terms of sovereignty. Empires have collapsed under the weight of judicial excess. Rome, after all, did not fall to barbarians alone, but to internal legal sclerosis and a metastasized bureaucracy. If we do not rein in our courts, we will cede our republic to the whims of the courts and socialist courts at that.

SFFAS 56: The Secret Loophole Hiding Billions In Fraud, Waste & Abuse Discovered By DOGE


Imagine a vast ledger, chronicling the transactions of a mighty republic, now riddled with deliberate gaps and omissions, gaps no auditor may probe, no citizen may question. This is no fanciful dystopia, but the present reality, quietly authorized by what is known as Statement of Federal Financial Accounting Standards 56 (SFFAS 56). While initially crafted, perhaps, with honorable intentions to shield ‘classified’ operations from hostile eyes, SFFAS 56 now threatens the very transparency and public accountability that sustain a free government. Federal agencies are allowed to use SFFAS 56 to hide spending they desire to be ‘classified’ from the American people, Congress, and even the President of the United States.

What is SFFAS 56? At its core, it is an administrative rule issued by the Federal Accounting Standards Advisory Board (FASAB) in 2018, not a statute passed by Congress. It allows any federal agency to modify its financial statements in order to obscure sensitive national security information. This authority extends beyond the obvious domains of intelligence or defense, touching every department that produces General Purpose Federal Financial Reports, from USAID to the Department of Energy. In theory, this safeguard exists to prevent enemies from exploiting financial disclosures to learn state secrets. In practice, it creates a black hole into which billions of taxpayer dollars vanish without a trace.

To understand the peril, one must first grasp the astonishing breadth of the rule. Under SFFAS 56, agencies may alter financial reports by removing, aggregating or fabricating information, provided these adjustments do not “materially” affect the reported net results. Further, agencies can exclude entire sub-entities from reports or consolidate them elsewhere, masking not merely amounts but organizational structures themselves. Crucially, neither the public nor Congress is afforded any right to know when these modifications occur, how often they happen or the underlying reasons. A general, but nonspecific, disclaimer suffices, buried in the back pages of thick agency reports: “Accounting standards allow certain presentations and disclosures to be modified to prevent the disclosure of classified information.”

Even Congress itself can be kept in the dark unless an agency, by its own volition, deigns to disclose the concealment. Thus, SFFAS 56 effectively removes the legislature’s constitutional power of the purse from critical oversight. It conjures a legal purgatory where funds can be appropriated for one purpose, redirected for another and hidden altogether from elected representatives. The theoretical protections against abuse, internal controls, audits, classified oversight, are weak reeds indeed when the very financial data needed to detect mischief has been sanitized.

Proponents of SFFAS 56 argue that, without such protections, enemies could piece together vital intelligence from innocent-looking financial entries. Yet the ingenuity of our foes cannot justify the abandonment of self-government. If secrecy is to be justified, it must be rare, tightly controlled and explicitly authorized by the people’s elected representatives. Instead, SFFAS 56 inverts the burden: concealment becomes the default, accountability the exception. One might as well argue that because a handful of bank robbers lurk at large, all citizens must henceforth veil their account balances from scrutiny.

History offers sobering lessons when governments assume powers of secret spending. The clandestine financing of “black ops” during the Cold War, sometimes used for noble ends, sometimes for ignoble, occurred under conditions of limited and direct congressional oversight. Even then, abuses proliferated. The Iran-Contra affair revealed how easily noble motives could give way to clandestine mischief when oversight was thwarted. Now, SFFAS 56 institutionalizes a structure far broader and more opaque than anything Colonel Oliver North could have dreamed.

Under SFFAS 56, the Department of Defense could award lucrative contracts to politically connected firms and conceal both the recipient and the amount from public view. USAID could fund controversial NGOs both here and abroad without alerting Congress or the public. Worse still, agencies could funnel money to the family members of political figures or even, under a perverse interpretation, fund hostile entities abroad, all behind the iron curtain of “classified activities.”

Consider a hypothetical yet disturbingly plausible example. Suppose USAID wished to grant a billion dollars to the Clinton Foundation or the Open Society Foundation, ostensibly to support development projects in unstable regions. Concerned that public knowledge of such a grant might spark political controversy and, by some stretch, be construed as harmful to national security, the head of USAID could invoke SFFAS 56 to hide the transaction. No notification to the president would be required. Congress would remain unaware. The public, journalists and watchdog groups would find themselves stonewalled. Even if the agency head believed sincerely that the money would be wisely spent for a legitimate purpose, no one outside his immediate circle could help him ensure that actually happened. Oversight by the press, vigilant members of Congress or curious citizens would be thoroughly stymied.

Some may protest that the President retains control of the executive branch, and thus can police such abuses internally. But the president’s power is not omniscient. Unless agency heads choose to disclose their use of SFFAS 56, even the president may remain unaware of the specific expenditures being hidden. In effect, FASAB, a mere advisory board, has created a tool so potent that it outstrips the constitutional balance of powers itself.

The irony is sharp. Conservatives, rightly skeptical of administrative overreach, have long warned against the quiet accretion of unaccountable power by regulatory boards. Yet here lies one of the gravest examples: a board that issues “standards” more consequential than many laws, without democratic debate or meaningful constraint.

President Trump must act decisively. First, he should formally direct every agency head to audit the use of SFFAS 56 within their departments since 2018. For every instance, they must privately report to the president the recipient, the amount, the date and the justification for concealment. Such a review need not, and should not, compromise national security, but the chief executive must know whether public funds have been lawfully spent.

Second, the President should demand that the leaders of FASAB, particularly the current chair, George B. Scott, and Executive Director Monica R. Valentine, rescind or at least reform SFFAS 56. If they refuse, legislation must follow. Congress, spurred by the White House, must reassert its constitutional authority and mandate that no funds shall be expended without public disclosure unless specifically authorized by statute and subjected to classified presidential and congressional oversight.

It strains credulity that an executive board not directly answerable to voters or even the president should wield the power to dissolve financial transparency across the entire federal government. Even among classified programs, there are means of maintaining oversight without sacrificing security. Classified briefings, secure audits, special oversight committees, all these mechanisms exist and function in sensitive areas of defense and intelligence. What SFFAS 56 does is more radical: it banishes oversight by design.

In Federalist 51, Madison observed that “if men were angels, no government would be necessary.” A corollary is clear: if governments were composed entirely of angels, perhaps SFFAS 56 would pose no danger. But human beings, tempted by self-interest, ambition and error, cannot be trusted with unchecked authority. Transparency and oversight are the sinews of a free republic. Without them, the Constitution is a parchment barrier.

Critics may claim that rolling back SFFAS 56 will impair national security. This is a false dilemma. It is possible to protect legitimate secrets while maintaining financial accountability. It is not necessary, indeed, it is dangerous, to dismantle the public’s right to know how its money is spent in the name of security.

SFFAS 56, well-intentioned or not, is an invitation to abuse. It is a standing temptation to the unscrupulous. It is a blindfold upon the eyes of the republic. It must be reformed, and if reform proves impossible, it must be repealed.

The ledger of a free people must be open and not riddled with secret ink. President Trump must insist that the light of public scrutiny shines once more upon the accounts of the United States. The integrity of the American experiment depends on it.

FBI Reports: Teen Killed Parents as Part of Satanic Plot to Assassinate President Trump. Absolutely Frigging Chilling!


FBI Reports: Teen Killed Parents as Part of Satanic Plot to Assassinate President Trump

There’s a growing unease spreading across the heartland, a sense that the values holding our nation together are fraying at the edges. You’ve felt it too, right? That quiet disturbance beneath the surface of daily life, suggesting the foundations we once took for granted might be cracking. It whispers of challenges not just from distant shores, but from within our own communities, festering quietly.

This isn’t mere political disagreement; it feels deeper, more fundamental. It’s that unsettling feeling that bedrock principles – faith, family, respect for authority, the very fabric of Western civilization – are being steadily chipped away by forces that seem to prefer darkness to light, chaos to order. Makes you wonder where this is all headed, doesn’t it? What happens when the guardrails ensuring basic decency start to buckle under the strain?

We see the symptoms pop up, often dismissed by the mainstream as just isolated incidents, nothing to worry about. But thoughtful conservatives understand that sometimes these acts of depravity signal a more profound cultural sickness, a rot spreading unseen until it breaks through in the most shocking ways imaginable. Are we really paying attention or just hoping it goes away?

And then, bam, you get news like this out of Waukesha, Wisconsin, confirming those very fears. In a crime that chills the soul, investigators allege that a 17-year-old high school student, Nikita Casap, brutally murdered his own parents, Tatiana Casap and Donald Mayer, in their home back in February. The details paint a picture of calculated violence against the very people who gave him life and raised him. Just when you think the depths have been plumbed…

But the horror didn’t stop there. Indeed, it intensified dramatically when the FBI revealed the why behind the parricide. Court documents indicate this wasn’t just some tragic, albeit horrific, domestic dispute. Nope. Investigators state the teen killed his parents to gain the “financial means and autonomy” necessary for a far more sinister plot: the assassination of President Donald Trump.

Yes, you read that correctly.

Unmasking the Hate

So, what kind of poison could drive a kid to this? According to the FBI, the teenager was swimming in a venomous cocktail of extremist ideologies. He was allegedly part of a “satanic cult” harboring “strong anti-Judaism anti-Christian and anti-western ideologies.” Further investigation has uncovered links to a neo-Nazi group called the Order of Nine Angles, praise for Adolf Hitler, and deeply antisemitic writings. Get this: Satanists and Nazis, apparently now swapping notes? You couldn’t script this stuff up, but it seems they found common ground in hating everything foundational and good to America and Judeo-Christian values.

The teen’s own manifesto, found by investigators, laid bare the chillingly blunt objective. It wasn’t just about some personal vendetta against President Trump; it was about deliberately destabilizing the nation itself. The goal was explicit: pure anarchy. His own words tell the chilling, if predictable, story:

“As to why, specifically Trump, most believe it’s pretty obvious. By getting rid of the president and perhaps the vice president, that would have guaranteed bringing in chaos.”

Supposedly points for honesty it would appear.

A Deeper Conspiracy?

Now, was this twisted plot conceived entirely in a teenager’s head? The court documents allege Casap aimed not just to kill the President but ultimately sought to overthrow the U.S. government. And naturally, there are whispers of outside contact. Investigators found evidence suggesting he was communicating with individuals in Russia about his plans and even plotting an escape to Ukraine. It certainly raises disturbing questions about who else might be involved, pulling strings or fanning flames.

Make no mistake, this wasn’t just some basement fantasy. Authorities stated the teen had purchased a drone and explosives for a potential attack – taking concrete steps. Casap’s later arrest in Kansas while driving his murdered stepfather’s car containing a handgun, stolen valuables, a pried-open safe, and $14,000 in cash, practically screaming premeditation and flight. He now faces a raft of felony counts, including first-degree intentional homicide, and potential federal charges for the assassination plot. Casap is being held on a $1 million bond. It should be no bond.

This entire horrifying episode serves as a brutal, flashing red light. It’s a reminder of the serious internal threats we face. The ideologies fueling such hatred – whether they call themselves Satanists, Nazis, or wave some other anti-American banner – feast on cultural decay and the rejection of traditional morality. They target not just individuals like President Trump, but the very stability, fabric and soul of our nation.

The fight against this darkness requires more than just hoping law enforcement catches them all. This isn’t just some news story; it demands a reaffirmation from us of the values that actually built this country: faith, strong families, respect for life, and unwavering patriotism. Are we just going to shrug this off or will we remain vigilant, recognize the signs of this rot, and stand firm in defending the principles that stand in stark opposition to the chaos these extremists crave?

A Government Held Hostage: Why The Supreme Court Must Rein In Rogue Federal Judges


In a case that would read like satire were its consequences not so severe, a single district judge has attempted to substitute his judgment for that of the president of the United States, his Cabinet and the entire machinery of the executive branch. On the shaky foundation of delayed bathroom openings and speculative FOIA frustrations, the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California ordered six federal agencies to reinstate over 16,000 probationary employees whom the executive had lawfully terminated. That is no way to run a government. It is, however, an efficient way to cripple one.

This unprecedented judicial intrusion warrants urgent reversal by the Supreme Court. It implicates not only the structural integrity of the constitutional order but also the basic operability of the executive branch. If allowed to stand, this injunction would green-light a new era of governance—by district court decree—where plaintiffs need not even be the employees affected, but merely individuals inconvenienced by the possibility of less-than-optimal service from the federal leviathan.

Let us be clear: the terminated employees were probationary. That term is not decorative. It denotes a class of individuals whom the federal government, acting through agency discretion, has not yet deemed fit for permanent service. The very purpose of probationary status, long recognized in civil service jurisprudence, is to afford the government the flexibility to assess aptitude before conferring permanence. To strip the executive of this discretion at the whim of a district court is to invert the hierarchy of constitutional authority.

Even more astonishing is the identity of the plaintiffs. Not the employees themselves—who, under the Civil Service Reform Act, must pursue redress through specific administrative channels—but organizations that claim their members were adversely affected by reductions in services. The theoretical chain from dismissal to harm proceeds thus: an agency terminated an employee, which may have led to a slower FOIA response or a delayed bathroom opening at a national park, which may have annoyed a citizen who belongs to a nonprofit, which nonprofit now claims standing to challenge the Executive’s staffing decisions. This is not law; it is farce.

The doctrine of standing, which limits federal courts to adjudicating actual cases and controversies, is designed to prevent such misadventures. As the Supreme Court affirmed in TransUnion LLC v. Ramirez, federal courts do not exist to conduct general oversight of the Executive Branch. They are not roving commissions to improve customer service. Yet the district court in AFGE v. OPM embraced a theory of injury so attenuated it makes the proverbial butterfly effect look rigorous.

Even assuming arguendo that the court could entertain such a theory, its remedy is legally indefensible. Reinstatement of employees is a drastic and rarely granted measure, especially where, as here, the employees themselves are not before the court. As the Court recognized in Sampson v. Murray, judicially compelled reinstatement of a single employee represents a significant intrusion on executive discretion. Imposing that remedy on a mass scale, without statutory warrant and without a showing of irreparable harm, is more than judicial activism; it is judicial usurpation.

Moreover, the district court’s order tramples Congress’ deliberate scheme for federal personnel disputes. The Civil Service Reform Act provides a comprehensive and exclusive avenue for terminated employees to challenge their dismissals. End-runs through district court by third-party organizations are not just unauthorized; they are antithetical to the statute’s purpose. As the Supreme Court held in United States v. Fausto, permitting such circumvention would upend the structure Congress enacted and invite a chaotic patchwork of judicial micromanagement.

The executive has not stood idle. Following the court’s temporary restraining order, the Office of Personnel Management clarified its guidance, emphasizing that it did not and could not direct agencies to terminate specific employees. Agencies, in turn, independently affirmed their staffing decisions. Some even rescinded terminations. Others, in line with the president’s directive to optimize the federal workforce, maintained course. This reflects exactly what the Constitution envisions: agency discretion under the aegis of a politically accountable executive.

Yet the court was not satisfied. It doubled down, ordering full reinstatement to active duty—no administrative leave permitted—and demanding agencies report their progress to the bench. In effect, the judge transformed himself into a personnel director for the federal government, supervising onboarding procedures and issuing dictates about work assignments. This is not judicial review; it is receivership.

The administrative burden imposed by the order is staggering. Agencies have been forced to contact, rehire and reassign thousands of individuals in a matter of days. The government must pay salaries, issue credentials and allocate workspace—all under the threat of contempt. And should the injunction be reversed—as it almost certainly will be—the agencies will be forced to terminate these employees again, compounding the cost and confusion.

Meanwhile, the constitutional damage mounts. This case is not an outlier; it is part of a growing trend. As the government notes, more than 40 injunctions or temporary restraining orders have been issued against the executive branch in just two months—more than during the first three years of the previous administration. The judiciary is not merely overstepping its bounds; it is sprinting past them.

This Court has the tools to restore order. The standards for issuing a stay are well established: likelihood of success on the merits, irreparable harm, and the balance of equities. Each factor weighs heavily in favor of the government. The constitutional structure demands a course correction. Judicial modesty is not a quaint ideal—it is a constitutional imperative.

If one district judge can effectively seize control of six executive agencies based on speculative harms and attenuated theories of standing, then no executive action is safe from pretextual interference. The line between judicial oversight and judicial governance has been crossed. It is the task of the Supreme Court to redraw it—and to redraw it firmly.

For the sake of the separation of powers, for the integrity of the executive and for the rule of law itself, the Court must act. The injunction must be stayed. The machinery of government must be permitted to function. And the Constitution must, once again, be obeyed.

Who are the Judges ruling against Trump’s orders?


Money Trails and Backgrounds of 10 Democrat-Appointed Judges Blocking Trump Policies

Federal judges ruling against President Donald Trump’s recent executive actions have been almost entirely appointees of his two Democrat predecessors.

Some were previously activists, others were steeped in Democrat politics, and one is a former clerk for then-Judge Sonia Sotomayor. These judges have issued rulings to block Trump’s policies on immigration, federal spending, the Department of Government Efficiency, and other matters. 

Plaintiffs have been “forum shopping” to attain more favorable rulings, said Curt Levey, president of the Committee for Justice. Forum shopping means they search for specific parts of the country where judges are more likely to be liberal and sympathetic to their case.

“They are trying to flood the zone and make it hard for the Trump administration to pursue its agenda,” Levey told The Daily Signal. “They are likely to win at the district level. And liberal districts are often in liberal circuits. So, in some cases, they can win at the circuit level and give the appearance that the Trump administration is under siege. Another advantage to flooding the zone is that the Supreme Court is limited. It only hears about 75 cases per year.”

Some of the judges ruling against Trump include:

A one-time major Democrat donor, U.S. District Judge John McConnell Jr. of Rhode Island, recently sided with a group of Democrat state attorneys general in a lawsuit to block Trump’s attempted funding freeze for numerous federal grants to nongovernmental organizations. 

From 2000 until when President Barack Obama nominated him to the federal bench in 2010, McConnell contributed about $60,000 to Democrat candidates. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce opposed his nomination, noting his long career as a lawyer who sued over lead paint and tobacco, Forbes reported

McConnell was a former treasurer of the Rhode Island Democratic Committee and chaired the campaign of Providence Mayor David Cicilline, according to the Providence Journal. Cicilline was later elected to the U.S. House. 

Notably, the judge previously rejected a lawsuit to remove candidate Trump from Rhode Island’s 2024 ballot

In a separate case targeting the order on the funding freeze, U.S. District Judge Loren AliKhan of the District of Columbia, an appointee of President Joe Biden, imposed a restraining order on the freeze. AliKhan was previously on the District of Columbia Court of Appeals and the D.C. solicitor general. 

U.S. District Judge Amir Ali of the District of Columbia, a Biden appointee, enforced a restraining order to prevent the spending freeze on foreign aid disbursed by the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development. In 2020, Ali contributed $1,500 to Biden’s presidential campaign, according to OpenSecrets.org. He also made modest contributions to numerous other Democrat candidates. 

Before his nomination, Ali was the executive director of the MacArthur Justice Center, an organization initially founded to oppose the death penalty but that has since expanded to other criminal justice issues.  

U.S. District Judge Theodore Chuang of the District of Maryland, an Obama appointee, blocked the Trump administration from conducting immigration raids and arrests at certain houses of worship. 

During much of Obama’s time in office, Chuang was the deputy general counsel for the Department of Homeland Security. Before that, from 2007 to 2009, he was the deputy chief investigative counsel for the Democrat majority on the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. He was also a past contributor to several Democrat candidates, including giving $750 to Obama’s 2008 campaign and $1,250 to the 2004 presidential bid of Democrat John Kerry. 

U.S. District Judge Jeannette Vargas of the Southern District of New York recently halted DOGE’s access to Department of Treasury records. 

Biden nominated Vargas, a former New York federal prosecutor, last year. Vargas contributed $2,000 to Biden’s 2020 campaign, and before that, gave $750 to Democrat Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign. Before working in the Justice Department, Vargas clerked for then-U.S. 2nd Circuit Appeals Court Judge Sotomayor from 2001 to 2002. 

U.S. District Judge Jamal Whitehead of the Western District of Washington state blocked Trump’s executive order suspending refugee admissions. Biden nominated Whitehead in 2023. During the Obama administration, Whitehead was the senior trial attorney at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

U.S. District Judge Deborah Boardman of the District of Maryland sided with the American Federation of Teachers, a union, to block DOGE from accessing information from the Office of Personnel Management and the Department of Education regarding student loans. 

Biden nominated Boardman, a former federal public defender, in 2021. She has been a moderate donor to numerous Democrat campaigns, including giving $500 to Obama’s 2008 campaign and $500 to Clinton in the same campaign cycle.  

U.S. District Judge Lauren King of the Western District of Washington, a Biden appointee, temporarily blocked the Trump administration’s restrictions on federal funding for “sex change” treatments for minors. 

U.S. District Judge George O’Toole of the District of Massachusetts, an appointee of President Bill Clinton, issued a similar ruling to block the Trump administration’s restriction on sex change funding. He was recommended for the seat by then-Sen. Ted Kennedy, D-Mass.

U.S. District Judge Adam Abelson of Maryland, Biden appointee, blocked Trump’s executive order ending federal support of “diversity, equity, and inclusion” programs, or DEI. A very modest donor to Democrat candidates, he was previously a magistrate judge and in private practice in Maryland. 

Some notable exceptions to the Democrat-appointed judges handing Trump court losses: There have been at least four court rulings on Trump’s order scrapping birthright citizenship, with two of those rulings coming from Republican appointees—Judges John Coughenour of Washington state and Joseph Laplante of New Hampshire. They were nominated by Presidents Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush, respectively.